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Man and Universe

Chapter4







Conclusions

From the theory of historical materialism we may draw a number of conclusions which affect the strategy and the shape of the social aims

in a practical manner. It is not hypothetical or speculative theory having no effect on social behaviour. Now let us see what conclusions we may draw from it.

I. The first conclusion relates to ascertaining the identity of society and history. On the basis of the materiality of history the best and the most satisfactory way of analysing and understanding the historical and social events is the study of their economic basis. Without knowing this economic basis it is not possible to understand the historical phenomena accurately, for it has been presumed that the nature of all social changes is economic, though they may appear to be exclusively cultural religious or moral. In other words, all cultural, religious and moral developments are a reflection of the economic position of society and are caused by it.

The old philosophers were also of the view that the best and the most perfect way of knowing the identity of the things was to know the causes which produced them. Therefore if we admit that economic structure of society is the main cause of all social developments, then its socioeconomic analysis is the best way of understanding history. As a cause has precedence to its effect at the stage, of occurrence, similarly it also has precedence at the stage of knowing and proving. Hence economic situation is not only the cause of other developments but its knowledge helps in understanding them and proving their existence.

Discussing this point the book, Revisionism from Marx to Mao says:

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"For analysing social revolutions, one must not judge social conflicts in political, legal, or ideological terms; on the contrary, they are to be interpreted in terms of the contradiction between the productive forces and relations of production.

Marx has seriously warned us of the dangers of such a judgement, firstly because such a judgement is not realistic, for it replaces the cause, which economic changes and contradictions are, by the effect, i. e. political, legal, and ideological forms, which are the effects. Secondly, such an interpretation is superficial; as instead of probing deeply into the real causes, it only touches upon the surface, and what is apparent reality is considered to be sufficient for explanation. Thirdly, it is illusory; because the superstructures, which are on the whole ideological, are nothing but inaccurate images of the reality. Depending on inaccurate image instead of a realistic analysis of the problem under study, will no doubt leads us into confusion and error. "

The same book, reproduces from another book containing the important writings of Marx and Engels as follows: "As in the case of an individual mere self-introspection does not help us to make any judgement, in the same way, during the period of disturbance and chaos, the ideas of that period should not be treated as helpful for judging its character. "

Marx tries to negate the role of knowledge, thought and the tendency of innovation which are normally considered to be the basic factors of development. For example, Saint Simon, many of whose ideas have

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been adopted by Marx, in respect of the role of the tendency of innovation in development says: "Societies are governed by two moral forces which are equally strong and operate alternately. One is the force of habit or custom, and the other is inclination towards innovation and creativity. After some time customs necessarily become evil... At such times, the need for something new begins to be felt. It is this need which really constitutes the revolutionary situation. "

In respect of the role of beliefs and ideas in the development of societies Proudhon, another teacher of Marx says: "Political forms of nations have been the manifestations of their beliefs. Movement of the forms, their transformation and annihilation are the tests which reveal the value of the underlying ideas, through which an absolute and unchangeable reality is revealed to us gradually. But we see that all political institutions necessarily seek adjustment with the existing social conditions in order to be saved from inevitable death. "

Despite all that his preceptors have said Marx asserts that every social change is above all a socio-economic necessity resulting from the polarization of the nature and the form of civic society, productive forces and social relations.

Marx wants to say that the instincts of innovation and belief and faith are not stimulating enough to bring about social, changes. On the contrary it is socio-economic necessity that gives birth to the tendency of innovation or belief and faith.

If in the light of his view about the materiality of history, we

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analyse, for example, the Iranian - Greek wars, the Crusades, the Islamic conquests, the Renaissance of the West or the constitutional Revolution of Iran, it will be a mistake if we confine our study to the superficial forms of these events, which may be political, religious, or cultural, and adjudge the events on the basis of these forms. It will be equally wrong to judge them even by the feelings of the revolutionaries themselves who may have regarded their movement, as political, religious or moral. In order to arrive at a correct conclusion, we must pay attention to the real nature of these movements which is economic and material.

Even today the young contemporary Marxists try to interpret every historical movement by uttering a few sentences about the economic situation of the period concerned even if they have no knowledge of it.

II. The law that governs history is inexorable, unexceptionable and beyond the will of men. In previous chapters we discussed whether history is governed by some causative laws implying causative necessity. There we pointed out that some philosophers on the plea of accident and some on the plea that man had a free choice, denied the supremacy of causative law and consequently the existence of causative necessity and the inexorable norms of 

society and history. But we proved that the theory of these philosophers was baseless, and that the law of causation and the causative necessity governed society and history as much as all other things.

At the same time

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we also proved that history being a unit endowed with real existence and having a special nature, was governed by a number of universal and compulsory laws. We termed this kind of compulsion as philosophical compulsion. This compulsion requires that the course of history should proceed according to some definite and compulsive laws.

As for the compulsion of history in which the Marxists believe and which is also described as economic compulsion, it is a special variety of philosophical necessity. This theory of compulsion of history is a mixture of two other theories. One of them is that of philosophical necessity which requires that no phenomenon comes into existence unless it is necessary and that every phenomenon becomes inevitable and unavoidable with the appearance of its causes. Conversely the existence of a phenomenon is impossible in the absence of its causes.

The other theory is that of the precedence of the material basis of society to all other determining factors of it. We have already explained this theory. The essential result of these theories is the theory of the material compulsion of history, which means that superstructure of society is bound to follow its understructure, that with a change in its understructure, its superstructure must also definitely change, and that without a change in its understructure no change is possible in its superstructure.

The Marxists claim that it is this principle which has rendered Marxist socialism scientific and gave it the form of a natural law, for according to this principle the

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implements of production, which are the most basic section of the economic structure of society continue to develop in accordance with certain natural laws in the same way as different species of plants and animals all over history have continued to develop gradually for millions of years and at particular junctures have transformed into new species. As the development and evolution of plants and animals has not been the result of the will or desire of anybody, same is the case with the development and evolution of the implements of production.

The implements of production in the course of their gradual development pass through several stages, and at every stage they bring about a compulsory and unavoidable change in all affairs of society. There is no possibility of any change in the social superstructure until and unless the implements of production reach a particular stage of their development. The efforts of those socialists and the advocates of a just order, who out of sheer emotionalism wish to socialize society and establish a just order without considering whether the development of the implements of production warrant such a change, are merely an exercise in futility. Karl Marx in his preface to the Capital says:

"The country that is more developed industrially only shows to the less developed the image of its own future..... And even when a society has got upon the right track for the discovery of the natural laws of its movement ultimately.... it can neither clear by bold

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leaps, nor remove by legal enactments, the obstacles offered by the successive phases of its normal development. But it can shorten and lessen the birth pangs. "

In the last part of his statement Marx mentions a point to which either attention has not been paid or very little attention has been paid. In fact he wants to answer an implied question. Somebody may say: The phased development of society in the wake of regular and phased development of nature is compulsory and inevitable only so long as man does not discover the course of natural laws. As soon as he understands these laws, nature comes under his control and he becomes master of it.

That is why it is said that so long as nature is not understood, it is master of man, but it becomes his servant in proportion to his understanding of it. Take the case of an epidemic disease. So long as it is not known what causes it and how it can be eradicated, it rules supreme over man's life. But as soon as these things are known as they have been today, incidence of the disease is checked and there are no more any fatal cases. Same is the case with flood, storm etc.

In his statement Marx wants to assert that the regular and phased movements of society are of dynamical character. In other words they are automatic and from within like the regular movements of the growth of plants and animals, not mechanical changes brought

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about by outside factors, as are all technical and industrial changes.

The eradication of pests by means of pesticides and the annihilation of disease germs by means of a medicine also belong to this category. In all those cases in which the discovery of a law of nature brings nature under man's control, the relation of the laws is mechanical. But in the case of dynamical and inner movement of the things the role of man's knowledge is nothing more than that man adapts himself to the course of the relevant laws and is benefited thereby. With the discovery of the laws regulating the growth and development of plants and animals including the growth of the foetus in the womb, man comes across a number of compulsory and inexorable laws to which he can do nothing but to submit.

Marx wants to say that social development of man which follows the development and evolution of the implements of production is a dynamical, inner and automatic self-development. Knowledge and consciousness cannot change it nor can they give it a form of their choice. Man is compelled to accept social development along a definite line and the stages through which it has to pass unquestioningly in the same way as he has to accept the development of a foetus along a definite line. He must put out of his head any idea of changing its course. Society cannot reach the final stage of its development without going through the middle stages, nor can

it reach the final stage by any way other than the way fixed for it.

The Marxist view that the movement of social development is an automatic, unconscious, natural and compulsory movement, resembles the view held by Socrates about human mind and its natural creative capability. In his teachings Socrates used the method of objective questions. He believed that if graded questions were put in a regular manner and with accurate know ledge of the working of human mind, the human mind would automatically move to answer those questions. Human mind was in no need of any instructions from outside. The mother of Socrates was a midwife. He used to say that he did with the minds exactly what his mother did with the women in parturition. It is not a midwife who causes the delivery of a child. Delivery is caused at the right moment by mother's nature. Still the services of a midwife are required to makes it sure that nothing abnormal takes place, and no harm is done to the mother or the child.

Although from the view-point of Marxism, the discovery of the laws of sociology and history of philosophy can bring about no change in society, yet importance must be attached to these sciences. Scientific socialism is nothing but the discovery of the laws of sociology and history of philosophy. At least they help in doing away with whimsical socialism and wishful thinking about setting up a just order. Though dynamical laws can change nothing, yet they

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have one good point about them and that point is that their effect is predictable.

In the light of scientific sociology and scientific socialism the stage of the development of any society can be studied and its future can be foretold. It can be ascertained at what stage the baby of socialism is in the womb of a society and what can be exactly expected of it at each subsequent stage. Thus unnecessary and undue expectations can be avoided. As the immediate delivery of a four-month old foetus cannot be expected, similarly it is not possible that a society which is still at the feudal stage should suddenly be shifted to socialism.

Marxism tries to discover and describe the natural and dynamical stages of society and the compulsory laws of its development from one period to another.

From the view-point of Marxism on the whole societies have to pass through four stages to reach socialism. These stages are the periods of primitive socialism, slavery, capitalism and scientific socialism. Sometimes instead of four periods, five, six or seven periods are mentioned, for each of the periods of slave-holding, capitalism and socialism can be split into two periods.

III. Each historical period has its own distinguishing features and is different in its nature from other periods. From biological point of view when animals are transformed from one species into another species, they change their nature. The same is true of the historical periods. Each age has its own special laws and the laws of a

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previous or a subsequent age cannot be applied to it. Take the case of water. So long as it is water, the law peculiar to the liquids, apply to it, but as soon as it is changed into steam, it is no longer subject to those laws.

Then it becomes subject to the laws of gases. Similarly so long as a society is at the stage of feudalism, it is governed by one set of laws. But as soon as it passes that stage and reaches the stage of capitalism, it will be absurd to try to retain the laws of the period of feudalism. As such society cannot have any eternal and everlasting laws. According to historical materialism, which believes that economy is the infrastructure of society, any claim to eternity on the part of any laws is totally unacceptable. This is one of those points of historical materialism which are inconsistent with religion, especially Islam which believes in an eternal code of law.

In the book, Revisionism from Marx to Mao, quotes from an appendix to the second edition of the Capital, the author says: "Every period of history has laws of its own... accordingly as life passes from one stage to another stage, it evolves and is governed by a new set of laws. Economic life, in the course of its historical development, brings forth a phenomenon that we come across in various branches of biology.... social organisms are distinguished from one another in the same way

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as animal and plant organisms are differentiated. "

IV. It was due to the development of the implements of production that private property came into being and society was divided into two classes of the exploiters and the exploited. From the dawn of history till today these two classes have been and still continue to be the main divisions of society. A conflict between them has always existed. Anyhow, this division does not mean that all groups of society are either exploiters or the exploited. Some of them may not belong to either of these two categories. What we mean to say is that these two are the categories effective in the destiny of society and form the chief divisions of it. All other groups of society follow one of these two main groups.

The author of the Revisionism from Marx to Mao writes:

"We find two different patterns of division of society according to classes and their conflicts; according to Marx and Engels: one is bipolar, and the other is multipolar. Definition of class also differs in both the patterns. In the first pattern it is an imaginary class, while in the other it is a real class. The rules regarding the divisions of classes are also different. Engels, in his preface to The Peasants' War in Germany tries to reconcile these two patterns by evolving a uniform standard for class division. He distinguishes various classes in society, and, within each class, he differentiates various subgroups. But according to his belief, there are


only two classes who accomplish a definite historic mission: the bourgeois and the proletariat; because they form the really opposite poles of society. "

As, according to the Marxist philosophy, it is impossible that the superstructure of society should go ahead of its

infrastructure, similarly it is also impossible that the superstructure of society should remain intact when society, from the viewpoint of its infrastructure, that is its social and economic relations, is divided into two opposite classes of the exploiters and the exploited. In these circumstances social conscience is also divided into the conscience of the exploited and that of the exploiters and consequently two world conceptions, two ideologies, two moral systems and two kinds of philosophy appear. The social and economic position of each class inspires a separate way of thinking, a separate taste and adherence to separate ideas.

Neither of the two classes can have a conscience, a taste or a way of thinking which is not in keeping with its economic position. The religion and the government are the things which are controlled exclusively by the class of the exploiters. These are the institutions which have been invented by this class with a view to perpetuate its control of the class exploited by it. As the class of the exploiters controls all the material resources of society, it imposes its culture including its religion on the exploited class. Thus the culture of the rulers, which includes their world conception, their ideology, their morality, their taste their feelings, and

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above all their religion, is the culture of the exploiters. As for the culture of the exploited it like themselves is always subdued and not allowed to grow and make progress. In German Ideology Marx has said: "The ideas of the ruling class are in every epoch the ruling ideas; i. e. the class which is the ruling material force of society is at the same time its ruling intellectual force.

The class which has the means of material production at its disposal. The ruling ideas are nothing more than the ideal expression of the dominant material relations, the dominant material relations grasped as ideas, hence of the relations which make the one class the ruling one, therefore, the ideas of its dominance. The individuals composing the ruling class possess among other things consciousness, and therefore think. In so far, as they rule as a class and determine the extent and compass of an historical epoch, it is self-evident that they do this in its whole range; hence among other things they rule also as thinkers, as producers of ideas, and regulate the production and distribution of ideas of their age: thus their ideas are the ruling ideas of epoch. "

A ruling and exploiting class as such is reactionary, conservative, and conventional. It looks to the past. Its culture which is the ruling culture and which it imposes on its subjects is also reactionary, conventional and looking towards the past. As for the exploited and the subjugated class, it is revolutionary, iconoclastic,

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future-looking and progressive. Its subdued culture is also revolutionary and unconventional. To be exploited is a prerequisite of being revolutionary. In other words only an exploited class is capable of bringing about a revolution.

After reproducing the above-quoted passage from the preface to The war of German Peasants, the author of the Revisionism from Marx to Mao says: A year after the publication of this prefatory note, (prefatory note to The Peasants' War in Germany) the Congress of the German Socialists has written in its Gotha Program that all classes from a reactionary front against the labour class. Marx severely criticized this statement. But if we are logical, we should admit the fact that since these miserable socialists could not possibly differentiate between his bipolar or multi-polar patterns after what Marx had written in the Manifesto. In the Manifesto (Manifesto of the Communist Party) , Marx presents the class conflicts of those days as the war between the proletariat and the bourgeois. He writes: "Of all the classes that stand face to face with the bourgeois today, the proletariat alone is a revolutionary class. "

Somewhere Marx has said that only the proletarian class fulfils all the conditions and has the characteristics necessary to become revolutionary. These conditions are as under:

i. to be exploited by producers;

ii. to be having no property (the peasants also have these two characteristics) ;

iii. to be organized, for which concentration at one place is necessary. (This characteristic applies to industrial workers only who work together in a factory etc. It

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does not exist in the case of the peasants who are always scattered in the various sectors of land. )

In respect of the second characteristic Marx has said: "A worker is free in two sense. He is free to sell his labour and he is not tied to any kind of property. " In respect of the second characteristic Marx has said in his Manifesto: "Growth of industry has not only increased the number of the proletarians, but has also concentrated them in considerably large masses. The force of the proletarians is increasing and they are becoming aware of their power. "

The above mentioned principle may be called the principle of conformity of the ideological basis with class and social basis. According to this principle every class produces only that kind of ideas, moral principles, philosophy, art, poetry and literature which conforms with its way of life, its means of living and its interests. This principle may also be called the principle of the conformity of the urge of thinking with the direction of thinking.

Every idea and doctrine and every moral or religious system that arises in a class, is always directed to the advantage of that class. No intellectual system arising in a particular class can be for the benefit of another class or for the good of the humanity at large. It is impossible that any idea or any system should have no class bias. Thinking can be humanistic and classless only if classes are abolished as the result of


the development of implements of production. Only the negation of the contradiction of class basis can lead to the negation of the contradiction of ideological basis, and only the negation of the contradiction of intellectual drive can do away with the contradiction of intellectual orientation.

In some of his earlier works written in young age (Contribution to the Critique of Hegel's Philosophy of Right) 

Marx lays more stress on the political aspect of the classes (rulership and subjection) than on their economic aspects (exploitation and the exploited). He says that the class struggle aims at freedom and liberation from bondage. He is of the opinion that there are two stages of this struggle. The first stage is partial and political, and the other stage is universal and human. Marx says that the proletarian revolution, which is the last stage of the revolution of the bondmen of history is a basic revolution in the sense that it is for the complete emancipation of man and the total abolition of the system of rulership and subjection in all its forms.

Explaining how a class in its social orientation can think of some thing that is far beyond its class position and how it can adopt an objective which is universal and humanistic as well as in conformity with the principles of historical materialism, Marx says: "As the bondage of this class is basic, revolution is also basic. It is injustice itself which has bee imposed on it. That is why it seeks justice

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itself and endeavour for the liberation of mankind. "

This is a poetic and not a scientific statement. What meant by saying that "injustice itself has been imposed? " Has the exploiting class been doing injustice for the sake of injustice and not for the sake of exploitation and making gains, so that the proletarian class seeks justice itself? Furthermore, it is contrary to the conception of historical materialism and somewhat idealistic to suppose that the exploiting class has assumed its present attitude only during the capitalistic age.

As the principle of conformity of ideological basis with the class basis makes it necessary that there should be harmony between an ideology and the orientation which it causes, it a makes it necessary that there should be harmony between the inclinations of an individual and the ideas of his class. In other words every individual is naturally inclined towards the ideas the school that arises from his own class and whose orientation is to the advantage of his class.

Anyhow, the view-point of Marxist logic, this principle is extremely useful for the purpose of understanding the nature of ideologies and the inclination of the social classes.

V. The fifth conclusion is that such superstructural matters as ideology, guidance, propagation and exhortation etc. play only a limited role in giving direction to society or to social classes. Usually it is understood that ideology, preaching, arguments, teaching, training, propagation and advice can change the conscience of man and mould it in any desired way. But it is true that

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conscience is an involuntary reflection of class position, then the conscience of every individual, every group and every class is invariably and exclusively shaped by the social and class position of that individual, group and class, and it would be only an idealistic conception of society and history to think that the superstructural matters such as mentioned above can be a source of any social change.

That is why it is said that intellectuality, as well as seeking reforms and staging revolutions have an aspect of autosuggestion. It is a sense of class deprivation, not any external factor such as teaching and training, that inspires people to seek reforms and to become revolutionaries. At least the real ground for these things is prepared by class position, and the role of ideology, guidance etc. is at the most confined to making the deprived class conscious of the class contradictions and its own position, or to turning a particular class into a class having a class consciousness.

Thus in a class-dominated society the only intellectual basis that moves a class to action is its awareness of its position and its realization that it is being exploited. In the class dominated societies in which men have been divided into the two categories of the exploiters and the exploited, and in which social conscience has been split into two types, such basic human values as justice and love of humanity can have no role. Of course when as a result of the development of

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the implements of production a proletarian government will be established, classes will vanish and man will return to his true humanity having no class frontiers.

Then his conscience will not be split by the system of private property and it will be possible that intellectual and human values reflecting the position of the development of the implements of production, play a definite role. From the view-point of historical periods, socialism is the superstructure of a particular age. It is not possible to introduce it at will in any age prior to it. (As some whimsical socialists wanted to do. ) Similarly in an age in which society is divided into two classes, it is not possible to impose the special consciousness of one class on the other class. At present common human consciousness does not exist.

Therefore in a class dominated society a general and universal ideology having no class orientation cannot exist. Every ideology which appears in a class dominated society must invariably have a tinge of a particular class. Even if we suppose that there can be a general ideology having no class characteristic, it is certain that such an ideology practically will play no role. As such the mission of the religions and at least of the guidance, the counsel and the preaching of equality and justice to mankind in their name is at least eccentric, if not fraudulent.

VI. Another conclusion which we may draw is that the revolutionary leaders always come of the exploited class. It has already


been proved that only this class is mentally prepared to seek reforms and stage a revolution. The only factors which bring about this preparedness are exploitation and deprivation. At the most there may be a need of some superstructural factors to create consciousness of class contradictions. It is evident that the prominent individuals who create this awakening and self. consciousness in the exploited class should belong to this very class and have sympathy with its cause. They should be those members of this class who have already become self-conscious.

As it is impossible that as regards time the superstructural position of a society should precede its infrastructural position, and it is impossible that the level of the social thinking of a class, should be higher than its social 

position, it is also impossible that a leader should make any demands which reflect some thing above the actual aspirations of his class. As such it is impossible that any member of the exploiting class should rise against his own class for the sake of the exploited class.

The author of the Revisionism from Marx to Mao says: "Another original contribution of The German Ideology is analysis of class consciousness. Here Marx, contrary to his earlier works, regards class consciousness as the product of the class itself; it does not come from outside. The real consciousness is nothing but an ideology, because it is bound to give generalized form to the interests of a particular class. But does not exclude the fact that

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this consciousness, which is based upon the awareness of its own conditions, strengthens the interests of the class. In any case, the class cannot attain maturity without producing its specific class consciousness.

Marx's view affirms the division of labour within the working class itself, i. e. the intellectual work (the ideological work, leadership) and manual work. Some individuals become thinkers or ideologues of the class, while others rather passively accept and act upon the ideas and concepts provided for them. "

The same book analysing the views of Marx expressed in his Manifesto and in his Poverty of Philosophy says: "In this way, awakening class consciousness and organizing it in the form of a 'class-for-itself' is the task of the proletariat and also the result of its self-fuelled economic battle. This upheaval is neither brought about by any intellectual theory which is alien to the workers' movement, nor by any political party. Marx condemns Utopian socialists who despite their proletarian -inclination do not see the historical self-propulsion of the proletariat and their specific political movement... and try to replace with their fancies the gradual and self-motivated organization of the proletariat into a class. "

This principle of self-development is of special importance in Marxist logic and may be regarded as a guiding principle with regard to knowing society, its social tendencies and the leanings of the individuals, especially of those who claim to be the leaders and reformers of society.

From the foregoing it is clear that Marx and Engels do not and cannot

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believe in an independent super-class of intellectuals. The principles of Marxism do not allow such a belief. If in some of his works Marx has expressed an opinion to the contrary, that may be on the occasions when he does not want to be a Marxist. We shall show later that such occasions are not rare. Now the question rises how Marx and Engels explain their own position as intellectuals in the light of the Marxist principles. Neither of them belongs to the proletarian class. They are the philosophers and not the workers. Nevertheless, they have originated the greatest workers theory.

The answer of Marx to this question is note-worthy. The author of the Revisionism from Marx to Mao says: "Marx has spoken little about the intellectuals. He apparently does not regard them as a special stratum of society, but a part of certain other classes, particularly the bourgeois. In The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte, Marx considers academics, journalists, university teachers, and lawyers as the part of the bourgeois class, like priests and army men. In the Manifesto, when he wants to mention the names of the theorists of the working class who by origin do not belong to it - like Engels and himself - he does not call them intellectuals, but regards them as 'groups of people from the ruling class... , who have embedded themselves amongst the proletariat,' and 'have brought many elements for the education and training of that class. '"

Marx does not explain how he


and Engels slipped from the apogee of the ruling class and descended among the ruled, bringing with them valuable gifts for the education and training of this humble class described by the Qur’an as the " downtrodden and the destitute" (Vide Surah al Balad 90: 17)

Really the good luck bestowed on Marx and Engels and through them on the down-trodden class of the proletariat never fell to the lot of Adam, the progenitor of the human race, who according to the religious traditions, descended from, the heaven to the earth! Adam did not bring with him any such gifts.

Marx does not explain how a theory of the liberation of the proletariat can develop in the very core of the ruling class nor does he say whether this descent was a speciality of these two individuals or was possible in the case of others also. Now when it has been established that the doors of the heaven and the earth can be opened to each others, although in a very special case, it is not clear whether there is a possibility of decent only, or the members of the lower classes can ascend to the position of the heavenly region. Anyhow, if they do ascend, they have not any suitable gifts to carry with them.

Basically it is absurd to carry any gifts from the earth the heaven. But if one succeeds in ascending to the heaven is not totally absorbed in the heavenly region, one is likely bring gifts on one's descent

to the earth as Messrs. Marx and Engels did.

Criticism and Comments of Historical Materialism

point

As we have now explained the basis of the theory historical materialism and drawn certain conclusions from it, it is right time to make some comments on it.

Let us first make it clear that we do not propose to discuss critically the total views of Marx as expressed by him in all his works, nor do we intend to criticize Marxism as a whole. Here we propose to critically review only historical materialism, which is one of the fundamental principles of Marxism. Basically it is one thing to criticize the views of Marx or to criticize Marxism as a whole, and it is a different thing to criticize a particular principle of Marxism such as historical materialism.

A critical study of all the views of Marx as scattered in the numerous works compiled by him during the various periods of his life, shows many contradictions. Such a study has been undertaken by several individuals in the West. In Iran, as far as we know, the best book available on this subject is the Revision of views from Marx to Mao, [1] from which we have extensively quoted in this chapter.

The criticism of Marxism as a whole or any of its fundamental principles is unexceptionable even from the view point of the personality of Marx. The criticism of those principles, which are not considered to be final by Marx himself and about which he has expressed contradictory views, is also justified in those cases which

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are concomitant with the basic principles of Marxism and the contrary views expressed by Marx himself may be regarded as his deviation from Marxism. While dealing with historical materialism in this book, we have kept this principle in mind.

Here our criticism is based on the indisputable principles propounded by Marx, irrespective of the fact whether in his contradictory works and writings, he himself has or has not expressed any view to the contrary, for our main aim is to comment on historical materialism and not on the views of Marx.

It is an irony of history that in his philosophical, social and economic books Marx has more or, less supported the theory of historical materialism. But while analysing and interpreting the contemporary events he has paid little attention to the principles of this theory. Why so? Varied answers have been given to this question, and that is not a thing peculiar to this problem only. In many cases Marx has adopted a contradictory attitude, and has theoretically or practically deviated from Marxism. Therefore what is required is a general answer.

Some attribute this weakness to the immaturity of Marx during the early periods of his life. But this explanation is indefensible at least from the point of view of Marxism, for many of his theories, which are today regarded as the recognized principles of Marxism, are related to the periods of his youth or middle age, and many of his deviations, including some of his interpretations of the contemporary events, are related

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to the last period of his life.

Some others attribute this contradiction to his double personality. They assert that on the one hand he was a philosopher, an ideologue and the founder of a school. Hence it was natural for him to regard the principles enunciated by him as firm and final and to use all the force at his disposal to reconcile between the actualities and his forethoughts. On the other hand Marx also had a learned personality and a scholarly spirit. This spirit compelled him to always submit to actualities and not to adhere to any definite principle.

Some others differentiate between Marx and Marxism. They claim that Marx and his ideas are only a stage of Marxism. Essentially Marxism is an evolutionary school, and hence there is nothing wrong if Marxism has gone ahead of Marx himself.

In other words, if the Marxism of Marx which is only an early stage of Marxism, is found to be defective, it is not fair to conclude that Marxism itself is faulty. Anyhow, these people do not explain what forms the main essence of communism. A school can be called evolutionary if all its preliminary principles are definite and firm. Only the subsidiary matters can be disputable. Otherwise there will be no difference between the abrogation of a theory and its evolution. If firm principles are not accepted as an essential condition of evolution, there is no reason why we should not begin with pre-Marx theorists and thinkers such as Hegel, Saint Simon,

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Proudhon or some other personality, should not call Hegelism or Proudhonism a school in the developing state, and regard Marxism as a stage of that school.

In our opinion the contradictions of Marx are due to the fact that he himself is a less Marxist than most of the other Marxists. It is said that once at a meeting of the Marxists, he defended a view contrary to his own earlier theory. His audience were very much upset. Marx said: " I am not as much a Marxist as you are". It is also said that during the last days of his life he declared that he was not a Marxist at all.

Marx did not agree with certain views of Marxism because he was too clever to be a hundred per cent Marxist. To be a standard Marxist requires more than a little gullibility. Historical materialism, which is now under discussion, is a part of Marxism. It has certain principles which lead to certain results to which neither Marx the scholar could subscribe nor Marx the philosopher and thinker could adhere to these principles and results. Now here are our comments on historical materialism.

i) Baselessness

The first objection is that this view is not more than mere 'theory' without any proof. A historio-philosophical theory should either be based on contemporary historical evidence and then extended to other periods or should be based on historical evidence of the past events and extended to the present and the future; or should have valid scientific,


 logical or philosophical arguments to prove it.

The theory of historical materialism does not follow any of the above methods. The events of the time of Marx and Engels cannot be explained by it; so much so that Engels himself has admitted that he and Marx committed certain mistakes while dealing with the importance of economy in some of their books. But they could commit no such mistakes while analysing the contemporary events because at that time they were facing reality. Further, the events of the past thousands of years also do not support the theory of historical materialism in any way.

--------------------

[1]: This book was first written in French and then translated into Persian by Dr Anwar Khameh'i. He has exhibited profound wisdom in the treatment of the subject and praiseworthy capacity for evaluation and analysis of the problems involved. He himself has been once an ardent supporter and exponent of this school for many years.



(ii) Revision of Views by Its Founders

As we have repeatedly mentioned, Marx calls the economic basis of society its infrastructure and other bases its superstructure. This expression is enough to show that other bases of society are subordinate to its economic basis and depend on it. Furthermore, many of the statements of Marx quoted by us earlier make it clear that according to him this dependence is one-sided. It is economic factors alone which influence all other social matters.

It is a fact that even if Marx had not specifically stated so, his views regarding the precedence of matter to spirit, precedence of material needs to spiritual needs, precedence of psychology to sociology and the precedence of work to thought would have led us to the same conclusion.

Anyhow, in many of his writings Marx has expressed a different opinion in regard to the basis of dialectic logic. This may be regarded as a sort of a change

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in his views and to some extent a deviation from the absolute materiality of history. The opinion to which we refer is his theory of reciprocal influence. On the basis of this theory the causative relation should not be considered to be unilateral. If A is the cause of B and influences it, in its turn B is also a cause of A and influences it. According to this principle there exists a sort of reciprocal dependence and influence among all parts of nature and all parts of society.

At present we are not concerned as to whether this dialectic principle in the form in which it has been advanced is correct or not. But we must say that, according this principle, it is basically meaningless to speak of any precedence in the relationship between any two things whether they be matter and spirit, work and thought or economic basis of society and all other social institutions; for if each of the two things is dependent on the other and is essential for its existence, the question of precedence and being infrastructure does not arise.

In some of his statements Marx does not mention the influence of the infrastructure of society over its superstructure, but simply allots a role, whether essential or nonessential to the economic basis of society. Still in some other statements of his he speaks of the reciprocal influence of the infrastructure and the superstructure, but still maintains that the main and the final role is that of the

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infrastructure. While making a comparison between the two books of Marx, The Capital and The Critique of Political Economy the Revisionism from Marx to Mao says that in both of these books Marx describes economy as the determining factor. The book further says: " In spite of this, Marx, consciously or unconsciously, has added a new dimension to this definition by stating that superstructures, despite primacy of the base over infrastructure, can play an essential role in society. "

The author further asks: What is the difference between the governing and determining role that is always performed by the economic infrastructures and this main role ascribed to the superstructures here? Even if the superstructures play the main role only occasionally, their role must be determining in those cases in which it is played. Not only that, but in those cases what we call the infrastructure should be the superstructure and what we call the superstructure should be the infrastructure.

In a letter written by him towards the end of his life to Joseph Bloch, Engels remarked as under: ".... According to the materialist conception of history, ultimately determining element in history is the production and reproduction of real fife. More than this neither Marx nor I have ever asserted. Hence if somebody twists this into saying that the economic element is the only determining one, he transforms that proposition into a meaningless, abstract, senseless phrase.

The economic situation is the basis, but the various elements of the superstructure: political

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forms of the class struggle and its results, to wit: constitutions established by the victorious class after a successful battle, etc. , juridical forms, and then even the reflexes of all these actual struggles in the brains of the participants, political, juristic, philosophical theories, religious views and their further development into systems of dogmas, also exercise their influence upon the course of historical struggles and in many cases preponderate in determining their form. There is an interaction of all these elements in which, amid all the endless host of accidents the economic movement finally asserts itself as necessary. "

Strangely enough, if the theory that the economic factor alone is the determining factor is a hollow fiction, it is amazing that this proposition has been advanced by none other than Marx himself. Moreover, if it is true that the so called superstructural factors in many cases seriously determine the form of historical struggle, then the economic factors are not the only determining factors. As such it is out of place to say that economic movement necessarily makes its way through an endless mass of contradictions.

What is more amazing is that in this very letter Monsieur Engels puts the responsibility for this mistake or, in his own words, distortion, partly on himself and Marx. He says:

"Marx and I are ourselves partly to blame for the fact that the younger people sometimes lay more stress on the economic side than is due to it. We had to emphasize the main principle vis-a-vis our adversaries, who


denied it, and we had not always the time, the place or opportunity to allow the other elements involved in the interaction to come into light. "

But some other interpret, that too much emphasis laid by Marx and Engels on the economic factors, in a way different from what Engels has stated. They say that this excessive stress was not directed against the opponents of this theory, but was meant to disarm those rivals who supported it.

In The Critique of Political Economy Marx has laid more stress on the role of economic factors than in any other works of his. We have already reproduced a well-known extract from the preface of this book. Describing the circumstances in which this book was written, the Revisionism from Marx To Mao says: " Another cause of 

writing the Critique of Political Economy, was the publication of a book by Proudhon, Manuel du speculateur a la Bourse, and another book by Darimon, the follower of Proudhon.... When Marx saw that his rivals in the camp of Proudhon from one side, and the followers of Lassalle from the other side were relying upon the economic element in a reformative (not revolutionary) way, he endeavoured to seize this weapon from their hands and used it for the purpose of revolution. This necessitated a rigidity suited to the purpose of popularizing his beliefs.

To meet the requirements of the special conditions of China and to justify the needs of his practical experience in leading the Chinese

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revolutionary movement, Mao so much changed the conceptions of historical materialism and the supreme importance of economy that nothing was left of them or of socialism based on historical materialism, except quibbling and play of words.

Under the heading, 'The Principal Contradiction and the Principal Aspect of Contradiction', Mao in his treatise on "Contradiction" says: "The principal and the non-principal aspects of a contradiction transform themselves into each other and quality of a thing changes accordingly. In a certain process or at a certain stage in the development of a contradiction, the principal aspect is A and the non-principal aspect is B, at another stage of development or in another process of development, the roles are reversed - a change determined by the extent of the increase or decrease in the strength with which each of the two aspects struggle against the other in the development of a thing. "

Some people think that this is not the case with certain contradictions. For example in the contradiction between productive forces and the relations of production, the productive forces are the principal aspect;... in the contradiction between the economic foundation and its superstructure, the economic foundation is the principal aspect and there is no change in their respective positions. This is the view of mechanistic materialism. True, the productive forces, practice, and the economic foundation generally manifest themselves in the principal and decisive roles; whoever denies this is not a materialist. But under certain conditions, such aspects as the relations of production,

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theory, and superstructure in turn manifest themselves in the principal and decisive role; this must also be admitted.

When the productive forces cannot be developed unless the relations of production are changed, the change in the relations of production plays the principal and decisive role. As Lenin put it, without a revolutionary theory there can be no revolutionary movement. The creation and advocacy of the revolutionary theory plays the principal and decisive role.... When the superstructure (politics, culture and so on) hinders the development of economic foundation, political and cultural reforms become the principal and decisive' factors. By saying this, are we running counter to materialism? No. The reason is that while we recognize that in the development of history as a whole it is the material essence of things that determines spiritual things, and social existence that determines social consciousness, at the same time we also recognize and must recognize the reaction of spiritual things and social consciousness on social existence, and the reaction of superstructure on economic foundation. This is not running counter to materialism; this is precisely avoiding mechanistic materialism and firmly upholding dialectical materialism. "

Actually what Mao says goes totally against the theory of historical materialism; when he says: "At the time that production relations impede the growth and development of productive forces" , or says: " At the time that revolutionary movement is in need of a revolutionary theory" , or says: " If the superstructure hampers the growth and development of infrastructure"

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he mentions what always happens and must always happen. But according to the theory of historical materialism such situations should never arise, for according to it the development of productive forces compulsorily changes the production relations; revolutionary theory invariably emerges automatically; and the superstructure compulsorily changes under the impact of infrastructure.

Has not Marx in his preface to the Critique of Political Economy expressly said: " At a certain stage of their development, the material productive forces of society come in conflict with the existing relations of production, or what is but a legal expression for the same thing -- with the property relations within which they have been at work hitherto. From forms of development of the productive forces, these relations turn into their fetters. Then begins an epoch of social revolution. With the change of economic foundation, the entire immense superstructure is more or less rapidly transformed. "

A change in the production relations prior to the development of the productive forces, the formation of a revolutionary theories prior to the automatic revolutionary insurgence and a change in the superstructure to pave the way for a corresponding change in the infrastructure, all this means the precedence Of thought to work, the precedence of spirit to matter and the importance and independence of political and intellectual basis of society as compared to its economic basis. Thus the idea of historical materialism is nullified.

Mao says that dialectic materialism would be violated, if it is hold that influence is only one-sided. That is


true. But the problem is that scientific socialism is based on this very one-sided influence which is contrary to the dialectic principle of reciprocal dependence. Hence we have either to accept scientific socialism and to ignore dialectic logic or to accept dialectic logic and to ignore scientific socialism and historical materialism on which it is based.

Furthermore, what does Mao mean when he says that he admits that generally in the course of the development of history material essence of things determine spiritual things and social existence determines social consciousness. To admit that the main aspect of contradictions is subject to an occasional change, amounts to saying that sometimes the productive force determines the production relation and sometimes vice versa, i. e. the process is 

reversed. Sometimes a revolutionary creates a revolutionary theory and sometimes vice versa. Sometimes education, politics, religion, force etc. change the economic basis of society and sometimes the process is reversed. Therefore sometimes matter determines spirit and on some other occasion determines matter. Sometimes social existence determines social consciousness and sometimes social consciousness determines social existence.

In fact, what Mao has said about the change in the place of the main aspect of contradictions, is a Maoist theory which practically goes against the Marxist theory of historical materialism. It is not an interpretation of the Marxist theory as Mao claims. Mao has practically shown that like Marx himself he is also too clever to be always a Marxist. The Chinese Revolution led by Mao practically violated scientific socialism as

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well as historical materialism, and hence Marxism itself.

Under the leadership of Mao, China overthrew the old feudal system and set up a socialist regime instead of it, whereas according to scientific socialism and historical materialism a country passing through the stage of feudalism must pass over to the industrial and capitalistic stage first. It can step forward to socialism only when it has reached a high level of industrialization. As a foetus in the womb cannot reach a stage without passing through the earlier stage, similarly society cannot reach the final stage without passing through the earlier successive stage.

But Mao has shown practically that he is a midwife who can bring to this world a four-month old foetus in a healthy, perfect and flawless condition. He has shown that contrary to what Marx has said, a leader may ignore what scientific socialism teaches, totally change the production relations and industrialize a country by means of party teachings, political formations, a revolutionary theory, and social information. These are the same things which are called by Marx a kind of consciousness and superstructure and not a kind of existence and infrastructure. According to Marx they are not basic. Mao has shown that productive relations can be overturned and a country can be industrialized, ignoring the so-called scientific socialism for all practical purposes.

In another way also Mao exploded the Marxist theory of history. According to the Marxist theory and at least from the personal point of view of Marx, the peasant class

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fulfils only the first two conditions of being a revolutionary class. It is an exploited class and it holds no property. But it does not fulfil the third condition of being concentrated, having mutual cooperation and mutual understanding and being conscious of its power. For this reason the peasant class is not fit to initiate a revolution. At the most in a semi-agricultural and semi-industrial society the peasants may become the followers of the revolutionary proletariat.

Not only that, but from the point of view of Marx, the peasant class is basically mean and reactionary. It totally lacks every kind of revolutionary initiative. In a letter to Engels, on the revolution in Poland, Marx made this remark about the peasants: "The basically wretched and reactionary peasants should not be called upon to struggle. " But Mao converted this very mean and reactionary class into a revolutionary class and with its help overthrew the old regime. According to Marx the peasants not only cannot lead a country to socialism, but they also can make no contribution in the shifting of a country from feudalism to capitalism.

It is the bourgeois class which brings about a social revolution at a historical moment. But Mao jumped directly from feudalism to socialism with the help of the so-called reactionary class of the peasants. Therefore it was appropriate that in order to make a distinction between Maoism and Marxism, Mao should advance his own theory of a change in the place of the major aspect of contradictions.

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Anyhow, Mao himself does not speak of Maoism and he advances his views only as a learned interpretation of Marxism, historical materialism and scientific socialism.

Mao learnt from his distinguished predecessor, Lenin, the lesson that a Marxist when necessary should practically secede from Marxism. It was Lenin who before Mao brought about a revolution in Russia at the time when that country was semi-cultural and semi-industrial. It was Lenin who for the first time founded a socialist State.

Lenin did not expect that during his lifetime Czarist Russia would ever be fully industrialized and turned into such a capitalist country where the exploitation of workers might reach its final so that automatically a self- conscious and dynamical movement could bring about a total change. So he felt that it would be too late if he waited for the period of pregnancy to be completed before he undertook the job of midwifery. Hence he started with the superstructure and used party, politics, a revolutionary theory, a war and force in order to convert the semi-industrialized Russia of that day into the Soviet Socialist country of today.

Lenin practically proved the truth of the famous proverb that a bird in hand is worth two in the bush. He did not wait for the two birds of Marx and the automatic and dynamic readiness of the economic basis of the Russian society for insurrection. He fully exploited the one bird in hand and brought about a successful revolution by means of force, politics, party teachings and his


own political insight.

(iii) Demolition of the Principle of Compulsory Harmony Between Infrastructure and Superstructure

According to the theory of historical materialism there should always be some sort of harmony between the infrastructure of a society and its superstructure, so that it may be possible to know the infrastructure by knowing the superstructure (by employing the deductive method, which provides semi-perfect knowledge) and to know the superstructure by knowing the infrastructure (by employing the inductive method, which provides perfect knowledge). If the infrastructure is changed, this harmony will naturally be destroyed, social equilibrium will be disturbed and such a crisis will begin that sooner or later it will ruin the superstructure. In contrast, so long as the infrastructure remains as it is, the superstructure will remain intact.

The contemporary historical events have proved the invalidity of the above proposition. Consequent to a number of political and social revolutions which accompanied the successive economic upheavals which occurred during the period from 1827 to 1847 Marx and Engels came to believe that social revolutions were an inevitable result of the economic crises. But according to the author of the Revisionism from Marx to Mao: "It is the irony of history that there has not been any economic crisis accompanied with a revolution in industrialized countries since 1848. In the very lifetime of Marx, before his death, four times forces of production rebelled against relations of production without bringing about any revolution... later, some economists like Joseph Schumpeter have gone to the extent of naming, these crises caused by technical innovation as 'gales of creative destruction,

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and as safety valves for reestablishing economic equilibrium and economic growth. "

The countries like Britain, France, Germany and America have made stupendous industrial progress, They are at the zenith of capitalism. But contrary to the prediction of Marx that these countries would be the first to experience workers' revolution and would be converted into socialist countries, their so-called superstructure has gone under no change from political, legal or religious point of view. The child which Marx hoped to be born has completed nine months, has crossed not only nine but even ninety years, but still it has not seen the light of the day. Now no hope is left that this child will ever be born.

Of course there is no doubt that the present regimes in these countries will sooner or later be overthrown, but the awaited revolution of the workers will never come about and the Marxist theory of history will never prove correct. For that matter the regimes which are governing the so-called socialist countries of today will also be overthrown one day or other. Anyhow, it is certain that the future regimes in these countries will not be capitalistic.

We find that several countries in Eastern Europe, Asia and South America have reached the stage of socialism without passing through the phase of capitalism. Today there are countries which resemble each other from the point of view of their infrastructure, but still they differ widely as far as their superstructure is concerned. The two superpowers, that is America and

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Soviet Russia are the best example of this phenomenon. America and Japan have the same economic system, but their political, religious, moral, cultural and artistic systems different. On the other hand, there are countries whose political, religious and other superstructural systems are almost the same, but still their economic condition are totally similar. All this shows that the compulsory conformity of the superstructure of society with its infrastructure as conceived by historical materialism is merely a figment of imagination.

(iv) Nonconformity of the Basis of Class Ideology

As we have mentioned earlier, according to historical materialism superstructure of any period cannot go ahead of its infrastructure at all. As such the knowledge of every period is absolutely confined to that period. With the lapse of time it becomes old and obsolete, and is deposited in the archives of history. Ideas, philosophies, plans, predictions and religions, all are by-products of the special requirements of the age in which they appear and cannot be consistent with the requirements of any other age. But practically it has been proved otherwise. Not to say of creeds and religions, many philosophies, personalities, ideas and branches of knowledge appear to have been ahead of their times or their class. There are so many ideas which were produced by the material needs of a particular period, but though the times have since changed, the ideas still shine on the horizon of history.

It is amazing that in this case also Marx in some of his remarks has dissociated from Marxism. In his well-known book, the German Ideology

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he says: " Consciousness sometimes is seen to precede the contemporary empirical relations, to the extent that it is possible to find the evidence for the conflicts of a later age in the writings of theoreticians of the preceding age. "

(v) Independence of Cultural Development

According to historical materialism, like any other basis of society such as political, judicial and religious, its cultural and scientific basis also depends on its economic basis and cannot develop independently. Science develops only in the wake of the development of the implements of production and the development of the economic basis of society.

In fact, we know that implements of production, minus man, do not develop automatically. They develop as the result of man's contact with nature and his inquisitive efforts. Their growth and development is accompanied by man's own scientific and technical development. Now the question is which of these two things comes first; whether man first makes a discovery and then implements it to produce the relevant tools and instruments or first the tools come into existence and then man makes the relevant discovery? There is no doubt that the second alternative is correct.

It is obvious that scientific laws and technical principles are discovered in the course of man's inquisitive and experimental contact with nature. If man does not make an inquiry and does not undertake experiments, he cannot discover any scientific or natural law. There cannot be two opinions about that. The only question is whether after inquiry and experiment man first develops scientifically within himself and then

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creates technical implements or the case is the other way round? There is no doubt that the first alternative is correct.

Moreover, when the word, development is used in respect of man, it is used in its literal and real sense, but when it is used in respect of the technical and productive instruments and tools, it is used in its metaphorical sense. In its real sense development means evolution of a thing from a lower stage to a higher stage. But in the case of its use in its metaphorical sense, change is not in the stage of the same thing, but one thing disappears or is abolished and another thing takes its place.

When a child grows there is an actual development. But if a class teacher is changed and replaced by a better educated and more efficient teacher, of course there is a development in the teaching of the class, but this development is metaphorical only.

In the course of tool making the development of man is real. Man develops mentally in the actual sense. But the development of an industry, such as the development of motor industry which every year brings to the market an improved new model is only metaphorical, for in this case nothing has actually gone from a lower stage to a higher stage. The car of the last year has not been equipped in a better way but actually it has been discarded and replaced by other cars of better design and latest model.

In

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other words an imperfect unit has been cast away and replaced by a perfect unit. In this case the same unit has not shifted from a stage of imperfection to the stage of perfection. Obviously where there is a real development and a metaphorical development at the same time, the real development will be primary and the metaphorical development subsidiary.

Furthermore, this is the position in respect of technology. As far as other sciences like medicine, psychology, sociology, philosophy, logic and mathematics are concerned, this kind of one-sided dependence cannot be confirmed. The development of sciences depends on the economic position as much as or even less than the economic position depends on the development of sciences. Criticizing Marxism K. Schmoller says: "No doubt, the material and economic conditions are essential for the attainment of higher culture, but to the same extent it is also undoubtedly true that intellectual and moral development follows an independent course. "

If we overlook this one fault in the doctrine of the French philosopher, August Comte that he sums up man's humanity in his 'mind', which is only a part of his capabilities and only one half of his human spirit, August Comte's theory about social development is more valuable than that of Marx. August Comte asserts: " Social phenomena are subject to a strict determinism which operates in the form of an inevitable evolution of human societies - an evolution which is itself governed by the progress of the human mind. "

(vi) Historical Materialism Is Self-contradictory

According to historical materialism every idea,

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every view, every philosophical or scientific theory and every moral system, being a manifestation of special material and economic conditions, depends on the fulfillment of its own particular conditions and has no absolute value. Every idea, every theory and every moral system loses its validity with the passage of its time and a change in the material and economic conditions which made it inevitable. With a change of circumstances every idea and every theory must be replaced by a new idea or a new theory.

Obviously this universal law must also apply to the theory of historical materialism, propounded by some philosophers and sociologists. In case it does not, that would mean that there are some exceptions to this law and that there are some philosophical and scientific laws which operate independently and are not subject to any economic infrastructure. And if it is admitted that this law applies to the theory of historical materialism as well, the validity of this theory would be confined to only a particular period, that is the period during which it appeared, and it will have no value during any previous or subsequent period. Thus in each case this theory stands quashed.

If historical materialism as a philosophical theory does not apply to itself, it is self-contradictory, and if it applies to itself as well as to other theories, its validity is confined to a limited period. The same objection may be raised against dialectic-materialism also, according to which the principles of dynamism and magnetism apply


to every thing including the philosophical theories and scientific laws. We have dealt with this point in The Principles of Philosophy and the Method of Realism, vol. I & II. All this shows how baseless is the claim that this world is a spectacle of dialectic materialism and society is a spectacle of historical materialism

The theory of historical materialism is amenable to other objections also, which we overlook for the present. It is really astonishing how such baseless and unscientific theory could become famous as a scientific theory! Its reputation appears to be nothing but the outcome of a propaganda trick.











Chapter 27: Islam and Historical Materialism

point

Does Islam accept the theory of historical materialism? Are the Qur’anic analysis and interpretation of historical questions based on historical materialism? Some people think that they are, and maintain that at least one thousand years before Marx Islam based its analysis of history on this idea. Dr Ali al-Wardi, a Shi'ah scholar of Iraq who wrote several controversial books, including the one entitled Manzilat al-Aql al-Bashari (The Position of Human Intellect) , is one of them. Perhaps he is the first person who originated this idea. Now among a certain section of Muslim writers it has gained popularity and it is regarded as a mark of being broad-mindedness and a fashion of the day to analyse history in Islamic phraseology from this point of view.

But from our point of view those who think on these lines either do not understand Islam or historical materialism or both. In view

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of the five basic points of historical materialism mentioned by us earlier and the six conclusions drawn from them, it is easy for those who are conversant enough with Islamic thinking to conclude that historical materialism and Islam's way of thinking are diametrically opposed to each other.

The material conception of society and history, especially if it is given the false colour of Islamic authenticity, is a great danger to Islamic teachings and Islamic culture. Therefore we think that it is necessary to study carefully the problems which have given or may give rise to the notion that Islam regards the infrastructure of society as economic and the nature of history as materialistic in essence.

It may be pointed out that in our study of the subject we have used more points than used by the supporters of this notion. They have based their arguments on two or three verses of the Holy Qur'an and the traditions of the Holy Prophet, but we in order to make a full and comprehensive study, have included some other points also, which although not used by the supporters of this idea, may be adduced in its favour.

I. The Holy Qur’an has given various social conceptions to the world. In the course of our study of society we have counted about 50 terms having a social significance. A study of the social verses of the Qur’an and the use of these terms in them indicates that from the view-point of the Qur’an, societies consist of two

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diametrically opposite categories of people.

The Qur’an from one angle suggests the existence of a bipolar state of society on the basis of material prosperity. It designates one pole as the Mala' (self-indulgent, ruling clique) Mustakbirun (the arrogant, oppressors, tyrants, the immoderates and the voluptuaries) , and the other Mustaz'afun (the under-privileged, oppressed and deprived) , Nas (the masses) Zuriyya (the plebeians, ignoble, the means and insignificant- as opposed to Mala'). [1] T

he Qur'an puts these two poles or these two categories opposite each other. From another angle the Qur’an envisages the bipolar state of society on the basis of spiritual and moral conceptions, and divides society into two distinct groups. The first group consists of the infidels, the polytheists, the hypocrites and the wicked, and the second group consists of the pious, the righteous, the reformers, and of those who fight for a sacred cause and those who lay down their lives for it.

If we carefully consider the meaning of the Qur’anic verses signifying the existence of these two material and two spiritual categories, we will find a sort of conformity between the first material and the first spiritual category and similarly between the second material and the second spiritual category. The infidels, the polytheists, the hypocrites and the wicked are the same people as the self-indulgents, the arrogants, the immoderates and the voluptuaries. They are none else. Similarly the Mu'minun (believers and faithful) , the Muwahhidun (the monotheists) , the Salihun (the righteous, virtuous) and the Mujahidun (the warriors and fighters for

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a sacred cause. ) are none but the under-privileged, the poor, the helpless the servile, the oppressed and the deprived. Therefore on the whole, society has only two and not more than two poles or diametrically opposite categories. The first category comprises the opulent, the exploiters, the tyrants and the oppressors; who are the infidels and disbelievers. The second category is that of the oppressed and the underprivileged. It comprises the believers and the faithful. From this it is clear that it is the division of society into the oppressors and the oppressed, which brings into existence the two categories of the believers and the disbelievers. It is oppressiveness that begets infidelity, hypocrisy, wickedness and depravity; and it is the state of being oppressed that gives rise to faith, piety and righteousness.

To comprehend this equation clearly it is enough to study the Surah al-A'raf, 7: 59 - 137. In these verses the stories of Prophets, like Nuh, Hud, Salih, Lut, Shu'ayb and Musa have been briefly recounted. In all these stories, with the exception of the story of Lut, it may be observed that the class which joined with the Prophets was that of the underprivileged and the class which opposed them and resorted to disbelief was that of the arrogant and aristocratic gentry. This equation can have no explanation other than that of class conscience, the existence of which is essential and natural according to the theory of historical materialism. Therefore from the view-point of the Qur’an the confrontation between faith


and infidelity is only a reflection of the confrontation between the oppressors and the oppressed.

The Qur’an expressly says that property, described by the Qur’an as 'riches', is the cause of oppression and arrogance, the qualities which are totally against the teachings of the prophets, who preach piety, modesty and peace. The Qur’an says: "Remember that man is rebellious when he thinks himself independent and rich. " (Surah al-Alaq, 96: 7)

In order to underline the evil effect of property the Qur’an has recounted the story of Qarun (Korah). He was an Israelite, not a Copt and belonged to the tribe of Prophet Musa. He was one of those underprivileged people whom Fir'awn (Pharaoh) considered to be inferior and of low cast. But as he acquired great amount of wealth, he - Page500 - Man and Universe

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[1]: The Qur’an itself does not call them the mean, but simply quotes their opponents as calling them as such.



misbehaved with his own people and looked down upon them. The Qur’an says: "Qarun was a man from the people of Musa, but he oppressed them. (Surah al-Qasas, 28: 76)

Does this not make it clear that the Prophets' opposition to oppression was in fact a confrontation with the property, the proprietors and the proprietorship? In some of its verses the Qur’an itself says expressly that the chief opponents of the Prophets were those who were deeply sunk in ease and luxury. In the following Qur’anic verse this point has been expressed as a general rule: "We did not send to any township a warner, but its pampered ones declared: Lo! We are disbelievers in that which you brings to us. " (Surah as Saba

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34: 34)

All this shows that the mutual confrontation of the Prophets and their opponents and the mutual confrontation of faith and infidelity are a reflection of the confrontation of two social classes of the oppressed and the oppressors.

II. The Qur’an calls its addresses the 'Nas' or the masses, that is the underprivileged common people. That shows that the Qur’an believes in class conscience and thinks that only the downtrodden masses are fit to give ear to its call to Islam. That (also shows that Islam has a class bias. It is the religion of the weak and the underprivileged. Islamic ideology is addressed only to the masses suffering deprivation. That is another proof

of the fact that according to Islamic point of view economy is the infrastructure of society and the nature of history is material.

III The Qur'an declares that the leaders, the reformers, the martyrs and even the Prophets rise from among the masses, not from among the aristocratic and well to do class. In respect of the Prophet of Islam the Qur’an says: "He it is who sent among the masses of people (people belonging to the ummah) a messenger of their own. " (Surah al Jumu'ah, 62: 2)

These masses could be none other than the underprivileged masses. Similarly in respect of those who sacrifice their life for a right cause, the Qur’an says: "We shall raise from every people a witness and then ask them to produce their proof. " Here also the word people refers to the deprived masses. It is

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because of the necessity of harmony between the ideological and social basis in the one hand and the economic and class basis on the other, that the leaders of all social movements and revolutions invariably rise from among the underprivileged masses. This necessity cannot be explained except on the basis of the materialist conception of history and the prime importance of economy.

IV. The nature of the movement conducted by the Prophets and their confrontation as described in the Qur’an, is infrastructural, not superstructural. The object of the Prophets' mission has been to establish justice, fair play and social equality and to pull down the walls of class distinctions. The Prophets always paid their first attention to infrastructural matters and only subsequently turned to the superstructural matters such as doctrines, beliefs, and the reform of morals and behaviours, which have been their second objective.

The Holy Prophet said: "He who has not the means of living, cannot prosper in the Life Hereafter".

In other words there can be no spiritual life without a material life. This maxim leads to the conclusion that the material life has precedence to the spiritual life and that the spiritual life is the superstructure and the material life the infrastructure of society. Similarly the Holy Prophet has also said: "0 Allah! Bless our bread with abundance; for had there been no bread, we would have given no alms, nor would we have offered our prayers. "

This saying of the Holy Prophet also leads us to believe that spirituality depends

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on materiality.

It is absolutely wrong to say, as most of the people now think, that the activities of the Prophets were confined to the superstructural matters, that they were keen only to reform people and improve their moral conduct, and had nothing to do with infrastructural matters or at the most attached a secondary importance to them.

It is also wrong to say that the Prophets thought that when the people should embrace faith, everything would be all right automatically, justice and equality would be established and the exploiters would of their own accord restore the rights of the underprivileged to them. In short most of the people have the wrong notion that the Prophets pushed forward their objectives with the weapon of faith and therefore, their followers also should go along the same path.

This idea has been fraudulently invented by the exploiting class of the religious leaders in order to make the teachings of the Prophets ineffective and has been imposed on other people in such a way that it has been accepted almost unanimously. In the words of Marx, those who issue material goods to society, issue intellectual goods also to it. As a matter of fact those who are the material rulers of society are its spiritual rulers also and control its thinking.

The working method of the Prophets was contrary to what most of the people believe now. The Prophets first delivered society from social polytheism, social discrimination, tyranny and behavioral polytheism. They only later paid attention


to the belief in monotheism and practical piety.

V. The Qur’an mentions the arguments adduced by the opponents of the Prophets all over history along with the arguments of the Prophets and their followers. The Qur’an clearly points out that the logic of the opponents has always been that of conservatism, conventionalism, and looking to the past, whereas the logic of the Prophets and their followers has been unconventionalism and looking towards the future. The Qur’an makes it clear that from sociological point of view the opponents of the Prophets used the same arguments which in a society divided into the exploiters and the exploited were usually used by the class of the exploiters. On the other hand the Prophets

and their followers used those arguments which had throughout history been used by the sufferers and the deprived.

The Qur’an carefully recounts the for and against arguments of the opponents and the supporters of the Prophets and shows what kind of logic they had. Like these two groups their two sets of arguments have existed side by side all over history. The Qur’an has recounted these arguments in order to set a standard by which the theories of even today may be adjudged. In the Qur’an there are many scenes where the arguments of the Prophets and their opponents stand side by side with each other. [1] As an example we quote here some Qur'anic verses with short explanation of them:

" And they say: If Allah had so willed, we would not

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have worshipped the angels. (As we now do, and our worship of the angels means that Allah has willed so. Doctrine of predestination. ) They have no knowledge whatsoever of that. (Of what they say about predestination. What they say is not based on any logical argument. ) They do nothing but guess. Did We give them any Scripture before the Qur’an, so that they were holding fast thereto? (There is no such thing. They have no revealed Book to support their idea of predestination. ) In fact they say only: We found our fathers following a way, and we are guided by their footprints. And even so we did not send a warner before you (Holy Prophet) to any township, but its luxurious ones said: Surely we found our fathers following a way and we are following their footprints. The Prophet said to them: Even though I bring you better guidance than that you found your fathers following? (And you know for certain that logically the guidance I have brought is better, but you stiff follow in the footsteps of your fathers. ) They answered: In any case we reject what you have brought. " (Surah al Zukhruf, 43: 20-24)

We see that the opponents of the Prophets often use the argument of predetermination and fatalism. As sociology points out, this is the logic of the beneficiaries of the existing situation, who want to maintain the status quo, and use predetermination as a pretext to prevent any change. They often use the practice of their forefathers

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as a plea to justify their action and describe the past as sacred and worth following. To them it is enough to prove the propriety and validity of a thing that it has some connection with the past. This is nothing but the logic of the conservatives and the beneficiaries of the existing situation.

In contrast, the Prophets instead of supporting predetermination and conventionalism, advocate that which is more logical, more scientific and more beneficial. That is the logic of the revolutionaries who have suffered under the existing situation. When their opponents lose in their arguments against the Prophets, the last thing they say is: Whether predetermination is or is not a valid theory and whether conventional practice is or is not to be respected, we are against your message, your mission and your ideology, because your message is against our existing social and class interests.

VI. Most significant is the Qur’an's orientation in the conflict between the underprivileged and the arrogant. Just as historical materialism predicts on the basis of its dialectic logic, the Qur’an also believes that in this conflict the final victory must be of the underprivileged. In this connection the Qur’an underlines the inevitable direction of the course of history, and points out that the class which possesses the quality of being revolutionary invariably gains victory in its persistent conflict with the class which by its nature has the quality of being reactionary and conservative and that the former succeeds the latter in the possession of the land.

The

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Qur’an says: "We desire to show favour to those who are oppressed in the earth, and to make them leaders and to make them inheritors. " (Surah al-Qasas, 28: 5)

Similarly in the following verse it says: "We caused those people who were despised to inherit the eastern parts of the land and the western parts thereof which we had blessed. And the fair word of the Lord was fulfilled for the children of Isra`il because of their endurance; and We annihilated all that Fir'awn and his people had done and that which they had contrived. " (Surah al A'raf 7: 137)

The view of the Qur’an that history advances towards the victory of the oppressed and the exploited, is in complete agreement with the rule we inferred earlier from the theory of historical materialism to the effect that reactionism and conservatism were the characteristics of exploitation. This quality being against the law of evolution, exploitation is bound to vanish sooner or later. It will not be out of place here to cite with some comments a part of an article published recently and written by some intellectuals who have passed from intellectualism to Marxism. The last quoted verse of the Qur’an has been used as the heading of this article. Under this heading the article says:

"What is more interesting is the support given by Allah and all the phenomena of the world to those who are despised. There is no doubt that according to the Qur’anic way of thinking these despised ones are the subjugated


and oppressed masses who have no say in determining their destiny. In view of this position of the masses and the support given to them by Allah, who wills to favour them, the question arises: Who are the people who carry out this Will of Allah? The answer is evident.

When it has been admitted that society has been so organized that it is divided into the two opposite classes of the oppressors and the oppressed and it is also known that it is the Will of Allah that ultimately the oppressed should inherit the land and be its leaders and the oppressors should perish, it becomes clear that the Will of Allah is to be implemented by the oppressed themselves under the leaders and the intellectuals who rise from among themselves.

In other words, it is the Prophets and the martyrs from among the oppressed class who take the first steps to fight against the tyrannical and oppressive system, and pave the way for the establishment of the leadership and the - Page508 - Man and Universe

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[1]: The inquisitive may refer to Surah al-Zukhruf, 43: 40-50, Surah al-Mu'min, 40: 23-44, Surah Taha, 20: 49-71, Surah al-Shu'ara, 26: 16-49 and Surah al-Qasas, 28: 36-39.


supremacy of the oppressed. This whole idea is actually a reflection of what we know about the Qur’an's conception of religious revolutions and historical changes. As, from social point of view, monotheists' revolutions revolve round the leadership of the oppressed and their inheritance of the land, the leaders and the pioneers of their movement must rise from among themselves and their social ideology must be their own. "

The above thesis comprises several points.

i. From the point of view of the Qur’an

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society is bi-polar and has always been divided into the two opposite classes of the oppressors and the oppressed.

ii. The Will of Allah (or in the words of the above cited article the support given by Allah and all the phenomena) is directed to the establishment of the leadership and inheritance of the oppressed as a universal rule. In this respect there is no difference between the faithful and the infidels or between the monotheists and the polytheists. The above quoted verse lays down a general and universal rule. Allah always grants victory to the oppressed as such against the oppressors. In other words all over history there has always been a conflict mainly between the oppressed and the oppressors and the law of evolution requires that the former gain a victory against the latter.

iii. In society Allah's will is realized through the oppressed themselves. The leaders, the pioneers, the Prophets and the martyrs rise from among the oppressed class, not from among any other class.

iv. There is always a sort of harmony between the intellectual and social basis of society on the one hand and the class basis in the other.

Thus we see how from the above quoted Qur’anic verse several Marxist principles about history have been derived, and how the Qur’an has been made to reproduce the philosophy of Marx 1,200 years before Marx was born.

As this idea about history has been allegedly derived from the Qur’an, let us see what conclusions are drawn from its application to


contemporary history. The gentlemen who have derived this so-called Qur’anic idea, have immediately and without any delay applied it as a test case to the analysis of the present religious movement. They say that the Qur’an tells them that the leaders of any revolutionary movement must necessarily rise from among the oppressed. But today it is observed that the divines who constitute one of the three dimensions of the system that corrupts history, have become revolutionaries. So how to solve this anomaly?

According to these intellectuals the answer is simple. There can be no doubt that there is a conspiracy. As the rulers felt that their existence was in danger, they in order to save their skin ordered the divines depending on them to play the role of the revolutionaries. This is the conclusion that is drawn from this Marxist idea (excuse me, the Qur'anic idea). It is obvious to whose advantage such conclusions are drawn.


Comments

What has been said to justify the theory of historical materialism from the view-point of the Qur’an is either totally incorrect or is correct in itself but the conclusion drawn from it is wrong. Now let us study the foregoing arguments.

First, it is absolutely false to say that the Qur’an has divided society into two mutually opposite material categories and two mutually opposite spiritual categories and these two divisions correspond with each other. In other words, it is wrong to say that from the Qur’anic point of view the infidels, the pagans, the hypocrites, the wicked

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and the corrupt are the same as the aristocrats, the arrogants and the tyrants, and similarly the faithful, the monotheists and the martyrs are the same as the oppressed and the underprivileged. It is a lie to assert that the confrontation of the infidels with the faithful is a reflection of the confrontation of the oppressors with the oppressed. Such a correspondence cannot be inferred from the Qur’an, at all. In contrast what can be inferred from the Qur’an is quite contrary to that.

In its lessons of history the Qur’an shows that there have been believers who rose from the arrogant and aristocratic class itself and they fought against their own class and its values. The 'believer of Fir'awn's family' whose story is related in one of the chapters of the Qur’an by this very name, is an example. The Qur’an has also mentioned Fir'awn's wife who was his life-partner and enjoyed all the privileges and comforts enjoyed by Fir'awn himself, but, still she was a believer.

The Qur’an has related the striking story of Fir'awn's magicians. This story shows how man's natural instinct of seeking truth revolts against falsehood and fraud, spurning all his personal interests. These magicians were not frightened by Fir'awn's threat that they would be hanged and their hands and feet would be cut off from alternate sides.

According to this story as related by the Qur’an the uprising of Prophet Musa is basically an uprising that demolishes the theory of the materiality of history. It is true

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that Prophet Musa was an Israelite, not a Copt. He did not belong to Firawn's family. But from his early childhood he was brought up in Fir'awn's palace like a prince. Still he revolted against the Fir'awnic system in the midst of which he himself lived and of which he was a beneficiary. He left Firawn's palace and preferred to be a shepherd of the old man of Madyan. He was later raised to Prophethood and then he formally came into collision with Fir'awn.

The Holy Prophet of Islam was an orphan in his childhood and a poor man till his early youth. He was well-off only following his marriage with Khadijah. Referring to this point the Qur’an says: "Did He not find you an orphan and protect you? Did He not find you needy and suffice you? " (Surah az-Zuha, 93: 6,8)

According to the principles of historical materialism, during the period when the Holy Prophet was well-off, he should have changed into a conservative justifying the status quo. But it was during this very period that his revolutionary mission began, and he revolted against the capitalists, the usurpers and the slave-owners of Makkah and fought against idol-worship, a symbol of that way of life.

It is not true that all the believers, the monotheists and the monotheistic revolutionaries belonged to the under- privileged class. From the class of the oppressors also those whose nature was unspoiled or less spoiled and persuaded them to revolt against themselves (repentance) or against their class (revolution). Similarly

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the whole oppressed class was not with the believers, nor were all the oppressed the monotheistic revolutionaries. Therefore it is clear that neither all the believers belong to the oppressed class nor all the oppressed have been the believers. It is absurd to claim that these two categories correspond with each other. However, it is true that most of the followers of the Prophet belonged to the oppressed class or at least to the class whose hands were not polluted with oppression. Similarly most of the opponents of the Prophets were oppressors.

Though the human nature which prepares the ground for the acceptance of the Divine message is common to all human beings, yet the aristocratic oppressors living in luxury and ease become so accustomed to their existing position that their way of life becomes a great hindrance in their way. To be able to accept truth it is necessary for them to free themselves from the polluting effect of wealth and power, but very few succeed in doing that. In contrast the oppressed class does not have any such impediment in its way. Its members by accepting truth, not only respond to the call of their true human nature but by doing so they regain their lost rights also. For them to join the group of the believers is a good augury as well as a good entertainment. However it is correct that the majority of the followers of the Prophets come from the oppressed class and only a minority

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from other classes. But the question of alleged correspondence is absolutely absurd.

The Qur’anic conception of the nature of history is different from what the principles of historical materialism say. From the view-point of the Qur’an, spirit is basic and matter can in no way have precedence to it. Spiritual needs and spiritual urges exist in man quite independent of his material needs and do not depend on them. Thought is as basic as work.

The psychic personality of man is far more important than his social personality. The Qur’an believes in the basicity of real human nature and holds that within every man, even within a distorted man like Fir'awn, there exists a natural man, this natural man may be in a captive state. The Qur’an is of the opinion that there always a possibility even for the most distorted man to move the right direction and accept the truth, though this possibility may be very slight. That is why the Prophets have orders to exhort the tyrants in the first instance by means of advice and counselling to change their ways and call on their natural personality to revolt against their filthy social personality. In many cases such efforts have been crowned with success. This success is called repentance 

(tawbah).

At the first stage of his mission Prophet Musa was ordered to go to Fir'awn and try to awaken his dormant human nature. He was to fight against Fir'awn only in the case of his failure in this attempt. From

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Musa's point of view Fir'awn was keeping a natural man prisoner inside himself as he was confining many people outside. In the first instance Musa went to Fir'awn to instigate his inner prisoner, that is natural Fir'awn or whatever was left of him, to revolt against the social Firawn or the Fir'awn as he had been made in society. Allah says to Prophet Musa: "Go to Firawn, for he has rebelled, and say to him: Are you interested in reforming yourself.? (If you are) , I will guide you to your Lord, so that you may have a fear of Him. " (Surah al-Nazi'at, 79: 17-19)

For the purpose of guidance the Qur'an believes in the value and effectiveness of preaching, reminding, counselling and logical arguments (in the words of the Qur’an itself: wisdom). From the view-point of the Qur’an these things can reform man, change the course of his life, transform his personality and bring about a spiritual revolution in him. The Qur’an does not believe that the role of ideology is limited, whereas according to Marxism and Materialism the role of guidance is confined to making people conscious of class contradictions only.

Secondly, it is also wrong to assert that the Qur’an is addressed to the common people who are the same as the under-privileged masses and that, as such, the message of Islam is addressed to the oppressed class only, or that the ideology of Islam is that of the oppressed and Islam gets its followers and soldiers exclusively from among the

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oppressed masses. Actually the addressees of Islam are 'nas' which mean men in general.

No dictionary gives the meaning of 'nas' as the oppressed masses, nor is this word used by the Arabs in that sense. In fact this word has no class significance. The Qur’an says: "It is obligatory on the 'nas' (people) to go on a pilgrimage of the House (of Allah) ; (this is for) those who can afford it. " (Surah Ale Imran 3: 97)

Can the word 'nas' in this verse signify the oppressed masses? The Qur’an in many places has used the phrase, 'Ya ayyuhannas' vocatively. No where this expression refers to the underprivileged masses. It has always been used to address the men in general. The generality of the address of the Qur’an springs from the theory of true human nature as mentioned in the Qur’an.

Thirdly, it has been claimed that the Qur’an has stated that all leaders, pioneers and martyrs rise exclusively from among the oppressed masses. This is also a wrong assertion.

It is ridiculous to claim on the basis of the Surah al Jumu'ah, verse 2 that the Holy Prophet rose from among the ummah and that ummah signifies the masses of people. The word used in the verse is ummiyyin, a plural of ummi, which means unlettered. This word is an adjective from 'umm' and not from "ummah". Furthermore, even the word ummah means society consisting of multifarious groups, frequently mutually incongruous. It does not mean masses at all. Even more ridiculous is to

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cite the following verse as an argument. It has been wrongly interpreted (rather distorted) to mean: "We rouse from every ummah (mass of people) a martyr, (revolutionary). Then ask each one of the ummahs to produce their proof, (the revolutionary killed in the way of Allah. ) " (Surah al Qasas, 28: 75)

Firstly, this verse follows another verse. Both the verses are interconnected and refer to the events of the Day of Resurrection. The preceding verse is this: "The day Allah will call the pagans and say: Where are my partners you alleged (that they existed)? "

Secondly: The word, "naza'na" in the verse means 'We take away', and not 'We rouse'.

Thirdly: the word 'Shahid' in this verse does not mean martyr. It means a witness. According to the Qur’an every Prophet is a witness of the deeds of his community. In the Qur’an not a single instance can be found in which the word Shahid has been used in the sense of martyr as it is generally used today. Anyhow, in the sayings of the Holy Prophet and the Imams it has been used in this sense. But not in the Qur’an in any case. From the above it is clear how the verses of the Qur’an are misinterpreted to justify a stray notion of Marx.

Fourthly, we must know the objective of the Prophets. Is their first and main objective to establish justice and fairplay or establish a bond of faith and spiritual knowledge between man and Allah or to establish both of


them? In other words, are the Prophets dualists as regards to their objective or is there any other possibility also? We have already dealt with this point while discussing the topic of Prophethood and hence need not repeat here what we have already said. Here we confine ourselves to an inquiry into the method used by the Prophets to achieve their objective. As we pointed out while dealing with practical monotheism, the Prophets neither concentrate all their efforts on freeing man from within and severing his relation with other things as the mystics claim, nor on improving and modifying his outside relations as some other schools of thought assert. The Qur’an in a concise form says:

" Come to an agreement between us and you: that we shall worship none but Allah and that we shall ascribe no partner to Him and that none of us shall take others for Lord beside Allah. " (Surah Ale Imran, 3: 64)

Now the question is whether the work of the Prophets begins from within or from without.

Do the Prophets first undertake to bring about an inner revolution by creating faith and spiritual zeal and then rouse those who have been intellectually and emotionally prepared to establish social monotheism, social reform and social justice. Or do the Prophets first pay attention to the questions of social injustice and rouse the people to do away with social polytheism and social discrimination and only subsequently work for the inculcation of faith and doctrinal and moral virtues.

A little study of

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the method of the Prophets shows that unlike the reformers, the Prophets and the Imams (Divine Guides) begin with the inculcation of faith, belief and spiritual earnestness and reminding the people of the beginning and the end of human race. A study of the order in which the surahs (chapters) and the verses of the Qur’an were revealed and a study of the questions to which the Holy Prophet paid attention during his 13-year mission at Makkah and 10-year mission at Madina respectively, will throw ample light on this subject.

Fifthly, it is but natural that the opponents of the Prophets generally had a conservative outlook. But it cannot be inferred from the Qur’an that all of them without any exception had such an outlook, or that all of them belonged to the well-to-do class of the exploiters. All that can be inferred from the Qur’an is that conservatism was the logic of the leaders of the opponents. They no doubt were aristocratic arrogants and in the words of Marx, being the masters of the material goods of society, issued to others the intellectual goods also.

It is also but natural that the logic of the Prophets was that of dynamism, reason and indifference to the old customs and usages. But their way of thinking was not an inevitable result and reflection of any sense of their being underprivileged and deprived of their rights, but was due to the fact that they were perfect human beings and their reasoning and sentiments

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were fully mature. We will show later that as man attains maturity in his humanity, his dependence on his natural environment, social atmosphere and material conditions is reduced and he becomes independent of them. The Prophets' independent way of thinking made it necessary for them that they should not be tied to old customs and traditions and should deliver others also from their blind observance.

Sixthly, what has been said about the 5th verse of the Surah al-Qasas is also not acceptable, because some other verses of the Qur’an describe the destiny of history differently, and incidentally throw light on the evolution of history. Even if it is presumed that this verse signifies exactly what has been stated, it is further explained and qualified by some other verses. Further, basically this verse does not lay down any universal rule, and as such, it is not necessary to explain or qualify it while comparing it to other verses.

Actually this verse is closely connected with a preceding and a following verse and if all the three verses are considered together, it becomes quite clear that in this verse no universal rule has been mentioned as has been argued. We deem it convenient to consider this verse in two parts. In the first part we will consider it apart from the verses preceding and following it on the presumption that it independently lays down a universal rule of history. Then we will compare it to other verses from which some contrary rule of

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history can be derived, and see what can be inferred from all the verses put together. In the second part it will be shown that basically this verse does not mention any rule of history as has been claimed.

First part: In several of its verses the Qur’an refers to the evolutionary course of history, and says that the destiny of history is the final victory of faith over infidelity, of piety over licentiousness, of virtue over corruption and of good deeds over bad deeds. In the following verse we read:

"Allah has promised such of you as believe and do good deeds that He will surely make them succeed (the existing rulers) in the earth as He made those who were before them succeed (others) ; and He will surely establish for them their religion which He has approved for them, and will give them in exchange safety after their fear. They worship Me and ascribe nothing as partner to Me. " (Surah an Nur, 24: 55)

In this verse a promise of a final victory and succession in the earth has been made to the virtuous believers. Unlike the verse of the Surah al-Qasas, in this verse the emphasis is on ideological and moral virtues instead of on being oppressed. In fact it has been declared that the final victory will be that of a particular sort of belief and a particular sort of conduct. In other words, the final victory will be of the man who is faithful, upright and virtuous. In


the final victory three things have been promised. The first is the succession which means the attainment of power by the faithful and the final defeat of those holding it at that time. The second is the materialization of such moral and social values, as justice, chastity, piety, boldness, self-sacrifice, love, adoration, earnestness and self- purification. The third thing promised is the negation of every kind of polytheism, whether connected with worship or obedience.

The Holy Qur'an says: "And Musa said to his people: Pray to Allah for help and be patient. The earth belongs to Allah. He gives it to those of His slaves whom He will. Happy shall be the end of the pious. " (Surah al-A'raf, 7: 128)

"We have written in the Psalms once more that My righteous slaves will inherit the earth. " (Surah al-Ambiya 21: 105)

There are some other verses also on the subject.

Now what to do? Should we take as an authority the verse of succession of (Surah an Nur) or the verse of oppression of (Surah al Qasas)? Can it be said that although the significance of these two verses is apparently different, they still describe the same truth, because the believers and the pious are the same as the oppressed, for the state of being oppressed is their social and class symbol and faith and piety are their ideological symbols? Of course not!

In the foregoing we have proved that the theory that the so-called superstructural terms of faith, virtue and piety are analogous to the terms of

being oppressed and being underprivileged, is not correct from the view-point of the Qur’an. From its point of view it is possible that some groups be believers, but not oppressed. It is also possible that some other groups be oppressed but not believers. The Qur’an has mentioned these two categories separately. Anyhow, as we have pointed out earlier, when in a class-dominated society an ideology based on the Divine values of justice, self- sacrifice and charity is introduced, naturally the oppressed form the majority of those who accept it, because they do not have to face the inhibition existing in the nature of other classes. But still that does not mean that all believers belong to the class of the oppressed.

Secondly each of these two verses shows a different mechanism of history. The verse of the surah al-Qasas describes the course of history as a class war in which the spirit of the oppressors is always reactionary and that of the oppressed by its very nature is revolutionary. This struggle as a rule culminates in the victory of the oppressed, whether they have or have not the qualities of faith and good deeds in the Qur’anic sense. For example, the term oppressed covers all the exploited people including such people as those of Vietnam, Campochia etc. We may say that this verse defends the rights of all the oppressed, and indicates the principle of Divine justice: "Deem not that Allah is unaware of what the oppressors do. " (Surah Ibrahim, 14: 42)

All the

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cases in which the oppressed have been granted or will be granted leadership and inheritance of land, are manifestations of Divine justice.

As for the verse relating to Istikhlaf (succession, 24: 55) and other similar verses, expound a different mechanism operating in history as a natural process. The rule that represents this mechanism is broader in its scope than the rule of Divine justice, although it covers the principle of Divine justice also.

According to the mechanism to which this and some other verses refer, side by side with many kinds of struggles motivated by material gains which go on in this world, there always exists a struggle which is not motivated by material gains. It is conducted purely for the sake of Allah, and has always been led by the Prophets and after them by their faithful followers. It is this struggle alone that has pushed humanity forward in the field of human culture, and can rightly be called a struggle between truth and falsehood. It has pushed history forward from the view-point of humanity and human spirituality. The main motivating force of this struggle has never been the pressure of a different class. It is motivated by man's natural tendency towards truth and justice, towards acquiring the knowledge of the system of existence and towards building society as it should be.

It is not a sense of deprivation which has pushed man forward, but it is his natural and instinctive desire to attain perfection that has induced him to make progress.

Man's animal

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capabilities have remained unchanged from the beginning of history. They have neither developed in any way nor can they develop any further, but his human capabilities have continued to unfold themselves gradually. In future more than today man is expected to free himself from his material and economic limits and incline more and more towards faith and belief. Material, economic and class struggles have not pushed history forward. It is ideological, doctrinal and godly struggles which have pushed it. This is the natural mechanism of man's evolution and this is what is meant by the final victory of those who perform good deeds, show moral rectitude and fight for the right cause.

The Divine aspect of this victory lies in its being a manifestation of Allah's mercy and His fostering care which require the evolution of all existing things, whereas Divine justice simply necessitates compensation. This Divine aspect has been developing over history and will reach its final stages at the end of it. In other words, the good news which has been given in the Qur’an is about the appearance of the mercy and fostering care of Allah and not merely about the emergence of the Divine power and of retribution.

Thus, we see that each one of the above mentioned two verses (and similar other verses) has its own specific logic. One of them speaks of the class which attains victory and the other of the course which history must traverse to reach the stage of that victory. One of

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these two verses describes the mechanism which moves history, and the other refers to that Divine aspect of history, which is a manifestation of Allah's attributes. Each one of these two verses has a special logic of its own. Nevertheless it also has become clear that the verse 55 of the Surah an-Nur is more comprehensive as regards to its results than the verse 5 of the Surah al-Qasas. What man gets according to the latter is only a part of what he gets according to the former. The Surah al-Qasas shows only that Allah helps the oppressed, whereas the Surah an-Nur speaks of several other favours which He bestows on the believers.

Second Part: As for the second part of the discussion, it is a fact that the verse 5 of the Surah al-Qasas does not lay down any universal rule. Consequently it neither explains the course of history nor does it refer to any mechanism of it. It does not say that the oppressed will be victorious just because they are oppressed. The wrong impression that this verse mentions a universal rule is due to the fact that this verse which is interconnected with a preceding and a following verse, has been pulled out of its context. Further, the relative pronoun 'allazina' in the verse has been taken to mean 'all those', and thus a rule has been derived from it. Let us consider all the three verses together:

"Surely Fir'awn exalted himself in the land and divided its people


into groups. A group among them he oppressed, killing their sons and sparing their women. He was one of those who created corruption. And We desired to show favour to those who were oppressed in the land to make them the leaders and the inheritors; and to establish them in the land, and to show Fir'awn and Haman and their hosts which they feared from them. " (Surah al-Qasas, 28: 4-6)

These three verses are interlinked and all of them put together relate one story. All the three verses are joined by conjunctions, and hence they cannot be separated from each other. Moreover, as the third verse describes the fate of Fir'awn, whose arrogance is mentioned in the first verse, it serves to complete the first verse and cannot be detached from it.

Had the third verse not existed or had Fir'awn's fate not been mentioned in it, it would have been possible to separate the second verse from the first and regard the second verse as an independent statement of a general rule. But the inseparable link between these three verses precludes such a possibility. In their present form these verses signify that Fir'awn exalted himself, divided his subjects and oppressed a section of them. Allah willed to favour those who were despised, oppressed and suppressed by him and made them the leaders and the inheritors. Therefore the relative pronoun in the second verse refers to only a particular people, not all the people in general.

There is another point. The verse says: "We

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desire to favour them and to make them the leaders. " It does not say: "We desire to favour them with making them the leaders. " In other words there are two independent sentences joined with a conjunction. Hence the meaning of the verse is: " Our will is to favour the oppressed with sending a Prophet and a revealed Book to them, with educating them and with inculcating the belief of monotheism in them. And as a result of that Our will is to make them the leaders and the inheritors of (their own) land. "

As such although this verse deals with a particular case, this case is one of those cases which are covered by the verse 55 of the Surah an-Nur. Apart from all that, it does not stand to reason to think that the verse says that the children of Isra'il would be made leaders simply because they are the oppressed irrespective of the fact whether a Prophet is or is not sent to them and whether they accept or do not accept his teachings.

The supporters of the theory of historical materialism from the view-point of Islam, may raise another point and say that Islamic culture in its spirit is either the culture of the oppressed class or that of the oppressors or of both. If it is the culture of the oppressed class, it must have the colour of that class, its addresses must be the oppressed people and its mission and its orientation must revolve round

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them. If Islamic culture is the culture of the oppressors, as claimed by the anti-Islamic elements, not only it must have the character of that class and must revolve round it, but it must also be reactionary anti-human and ungodly.

Obviously no Muslim is going to accept such a proposition. Moreover, the characteristic features of Islamic culture are a witness to the contrary. To say that Islamic culture is the culture of both the oppressed and the oppressors amounts to saying that it is an indifferent, isolated and irresponsible culture, which believes in leaving Allah's job to Allah and Caesar's job to Caesar - a culture that does not differentiate between good and bad, the oppressor and the oppressed, the exploiter and the exploited, and treats all of them alike. Practically such a culture would be conservative and would work to the advantage of the oppressors and the exploiters.

If in social conflicts between the aggressors and the aggrieved, some people adopt the policy of irresponsible neutrality, they practically give support to the indifferent and neutral, practically it is the culture of the aggressors. Therefore in view of the fact that Islamic culture is not neutral and indifferent, nor does it support the oppressors, it should be regarded as the culture of the oppressed. Its objectives, its mission and its orientation should all be viewed from this angle.

Anyhow, this thesis is totally fallacious. In our opinion there are two main reasons why some Muslim intellectuals are inclined towards historical materialism. Firstly,

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they presume Islamic culture to be a revolutionary culture, hence they think, their inclination towards historical materialism is inevitable. All other such assertions as to say that the Qur’an indicates this or that, or that such and such is the impression gathered from the Ouran or a particular verse of it, are mere pretexts to justify that idea. It is here that these intellectuals have fallen away from Islamic way of thinking and have reduced the pure, human, natural and godly logic of Islam to the level of a materialistic logic.

These intellectuals are of the view that a culture can be revolutionary only if it exclusively concerns underprivileged and the oppressed class rises from this class, is oriented to this class and all its leaders are from this class. Its relation with other classes can be of hostility, antagonism and conflict only.

These intellectuals think that the way of a revolutionary culture must necessarily end at the belly, and that all great revolutions of history, including those brought about by the Prophets were the revolutions of the belly and for the belly. They have made the great Abuzar, who was a sage of the ummah, an earnest worshipper of Allah, an advocate of what is good and a determined warrior for the sake of Allah, merely an Abuzar who cared for his belly only and thought it not only proper but also imperative to fight every body for the sake of it.

Above all his greatest virtue, according to these gentlemen,


was that he knew what suffering hunger caused, for he personally had experienced its agony. He had developed a hatred against those who were responsible for creating a situation which caused hunger, and therefore made a continuous struggle against them. Here ends the personality of this Luqman of the Muslim ummah, this gnostic confessor of monotheism, this faithful fighter of Islam and this great man who was the second person to embrace Islam, is degraded to the level of a materialistic.

These intellectuals think that, as Marx holds, a revolution can be brought about only by a violent mass movement. (Andse Peter Marx and Marxism)

They are unable to imagine that a culture, a school of thought, an ideology, the objectives of which are divine, 

which is addressed to human nature, whose message is universal and which is oriented towards justice, equality, purity, spirituality, love, charity and struggle against tyranny, can create a great movement and cause a deep revolution - a human revolution full of Divine favour, spiritual liveliness and human values, although we have witnessed examples of such a revolution repeatedly over history. The Islamic revolution itself is a shining example of this kind of revolution.

These intellectuals cannot understand that for a culture to be responsible and not to be neutral in its outlook, it is not necessary that it should rise from an oppressed and depressed class. They think that a comprehensive culture must necessarily be neutral and impartial. They cannot imagine that it is impossible for a comprehensive

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school or a comprehensive culture having a Divine basis and having been addressed to human nature, to be irresponsible, indifferent and impartial, and that is an attachment to Allah and human conscience that creates responsibility and commitment, not an attachment to the oppressed class. This is one of the main reasons of the misunderstanding of these gentlemen about the relation between Islam and a revolution.

Another basic reason of their misunderstanding should be looked for in the relation between Islam and its orientation. These intellectuals have clearly observed in the Qur’an's interpretation of the sacred movements, a strong inclination of the Prophets to safeguarding the interests of the oppressed. At the same time from the view- point of these gentlemen, the Marxist principle of harmony between the economic conditions of a people and their orientation, or their social basis on the one hand and their doctrinal and practical basis on the other, is an indisputable fact. From these two premises they have concluded that as according to the Qur’an all sacred and forward movements and consequently from the point of view of the Qur’an, history must have a materialistic and economic nature and economy must be the base of the social structure.

From what has so far been said it is clear that the Qur’an believes in the principle of the true state of human nature, and maintains that human life is governed by the logic of this state. Diametrically opposed to this logic is the logic of gain, which is the logic

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of the man sunk to the level of animals. Islam does not believe in the theory of harmony between economic basis and doctrinal basis. It regards this theory as inhuman, in the sense that it applies only -to the men who have not reached the level of humanity. The logic of such people alone is that of gain. As for those who are intellectually and morally trained, their logic is that of true state of nature.

It is a sort of indulgence that we say that the orientation of Islam is towards safeguarding the interests of the oppressed class. In fact, Islam is oriented towards justice and equality, though naturally it is the oppressed and the exploited who are mainly benefited by this orientation and it is the oppressors and the exploiters to whom it is detrimental and destructive.

Even where Islam wants to safeguard the rights and interests of a particular class, its main aim is the realization of a value and the foundation of a human principle. It is here that once again the extraordinary importance of the principle of the true state of human nature, which is expressly mentioned in the Qur’an and which in Islamic sciences should be considered to be the most important principle, becomes clear.

Much has been said about this principle, but scant attention has been paid to its depth and dimensions. Mostly it is observed that people talk of human nature, but as they do not pay adequate attention to the vast dimensions of this

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principle, in the end they pick up views quite contrary to it.

A shocking example of this kind of misunderstanding is the mistake about the origin of the religions. So far we have discussed the nature and origination of historical phenomena from the view-point of religion (particularly Islam). Now we would like to consider religion itself as a socio-historical phenomenon, which has continuously existed from the dawn of history and throw light on its origin and orientation.

We have repeatedly pointed out that the theory of historical materialism has introduced the Marxist principle, according to which there must be a harmony between the conditions which give rise to a culture and the orientation of that culture.

There is a principle, which, the mystics and the theosophist believers, applies to all the systems working in the universe. This principle says: "The ends return to the origins. "

And Maulana Rumi has said:

" The parts are forced towards the whole,

Nightingales are in love with the rose's face;

What comes from the sea flows back into it,

And everything returns to its source,

Like the restless waves gushing from mountains-tops,

My soul burning with love, is restless to be free from the body. "

The Marxists have enunciated a similar principle in respect of intellectual, philosophical and religious matters and finally applied it to cultural and social phenomena also. The Marxists say that every idea is oriented towards the direction from which it arose. This is almost the same thing as the idea that the ends return to the origins. The Marxists say that


there exists no idea, religion or culture whether partial or impartial, which may aim at improving the social position of a class other than that from which it has originated.

According to this school, every class has a special shade of thinking and a special taste. That is why in class dominated and socially divided societies there always exist two kinds of maladies, two philosophical ways of thinking, two moral systems, two styles of art, two kinds of literature and poetry, two outlooks on life and sometimes even two types of knowledge. There being two forms of infrastructure and property relations, all these things are divided into two forms and two systems.

Marx is personally of the opinion that there are two exceptions to this two-fold system, namely religion and government. From the point of view of Marx these two are special inventions of the exploiting class which provide a special method of exploitation. Naturally these inventions are oriented towards the advantage of that class which has invented them. The exploited class because of its position, has neither originated religion nor government. They have been imposed on it by the opposite class. That is why there exists no two systems of religion or government.

Some Muslim intellectuals maintain that contrary to the view of Marx there actually do exist two systems of religion. According to them, just as in class dominated societies there are two systems of morals, art, literature and other cultural matters and each system has its own origination and

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orientation, one of them belonging to the ruling class and the other to the subject class, similarly there always exist two religious systems in society. One is the ruling religion which is the religion of the ruling class and the other is the subject religion which is the religion of the ruled.

The ruling religion is the religion of polytheism and the ruled religion is that of monotheism. The ruling religion is the religion of discrimination and the ruled religion is the religion of equality. The ruling religion is the religion of the justification of the existing situation and the ruled religion is the religion of revolution and the condemnation of the existing situation. The ruling religion is the religion of stagnation, tranquility and silence, and the ruled religion is the religion of uprising, agitation and protest. The ruling religion is the opium of society and the ruled religion is the tonic of society.

Therefore Marx's theory that the orientation of religion is always towards the interests of the ruling class and against those of the ruled and that religion is the opium of society, is true only in the case of the religion which is originated by the ruling class, though there was a time when it was practically the only religion which existed. On the other hand, this theory is not true in the case of the religion of the ruled, that is the religion of the true Prophets, though it was not allowed by the ruling systems to prevail

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and prosper.

This is the way how these intellectuals have tried to refute the Marxist theory that the orientation of religion is invariably towards the interests of the ruling class. These intellectuals think that they have thus proved the falsity of Marxism, but they do not realize that although what they have said is contrary to the personal views of Marx, Engels, Mao and other Marxist leaders, yet it is still a Marxist and a materialist interpretation of religion.

It is shocking, they have paid no attention to this point. They have supposed that the ruled religion also has a class origin, and thus have unconsciously accepted the theory of harmony between the origin of the cultural phenomenon and its orientation. In other words they have accepted the theory of the materiality of religion. The only difference is that contrary to the view of Marx and the Marxists, they have maintained that there can be a religion originating among the exploited and underprivileged class and oriented towards their interests. Thus although they have been able to discover an interesting theory about the orientation of the ruled religion, yet they believe in the material and class origin of religion.

What conclusion can be drawn from what these intellectuals have held? The conclusion is that the ruling religion of polytheism is the only historical religion, which actually has had a definite role in life, for the compulsion of history has been at the back of the rulers and the political and economic power at

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their disposal. In these circumstances it was only their religion which could stay and prevail. As for the religion of monotheism, it was not possible for it to strike root and take a concrete form. Consequently it could not play any historical role in society, for a superstructure could not go ahead of the infrastructure.

As such the monotheistic movements of the Prophets were bound to fail. The Prophets preached the religion of equality, but before long the polytheistic religion under a cover of monotheism distorted their teachings. In contrasts, the polytheistic religion not only continued to thrive, but became stronger than ever before and more active in persecuting the underprivileged.

In fact, although the true Prophets tried to arrange some pieces of bread for the people, virtually they became a tool in the hands of their opponents for tightening the rope round the neck of the oppressed and the exploited. What the Prophets desired to accomplish through their teachings was not accomplished, and what was accomplished, was not desired by them. In the words of the jurists, what was intended, did not happen and what happened, was not intended.

The materialists and the anti-religious elements allege that religion is the opium of society. It is a narcotic and a cause of stagnation and sluggishness. It justifies tyranny and discrimination and preserves ignorance. This allegation is true but only to the extent of the ruling religion, that is the religion of polytheism, which is the religion of discrimination and which has been dominating


over history. But it is incorrect as far as the true religion, the religion of monotheism, that is the religion of the oppressed and suppressed is concerned, which has always been kept out of the scene of life and history.

The only role which the religion of the ruled has been able to play is that of criticizing and denouncing. Its position has been that of a minority party in a legislature. The majority party forms its government, implements its programme and carries out its plans. But a minority party, howsoever progressive it may be, can do nothing 

except criticizing the policy of the majority and raising objection against it.

The majority party pays no attention to these criticisms. It runs society as it likes, and sometimes uses the criticism of the minority party for consolidating its own position. Without this criticism it could collapse under the ever-growing pressure of its opponents, but the criticism of the opposition serves as a warning to it, and enables it to take suitable counter measures to make its position stronger.

The above thesis also is not correct in any way, neither with regard to its analysis of the nature of polytheism and monotheism, nor with regard to the role of these two creeds as depicted in history. There can be no doubt, that some sort of religion has always existed in the world whether it be the religion of monotheism or polytheism. Even both these religions have existed side by side. As to the question whether

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the religion of polytheism is the first to come into existence or the religion of monotheism, the sociologists have expressed divergent views. Most of them maintain that in the beginning there existed the religion of polytheism only. Gradually the religious ideas developed and man reached the stage of monotheism. But there are some sociologists who hold a contrary view.

Religious traditions and some religious doctrines also support the second theory. Anyway, how did the religion of polytheism come into existence? Was it really invented by the despots of history to justify their tyrannies and their policy of discrimination, or are there some other reasons of its coming into being? Most of the authorities have mentioned some other reasons, for it is not possible to accept that polytheism is simply an outcome of social discrimination. It is even more unscientific to describe the religion of monotheism as a pretext of the underprivileged class against social discrimination and as an expression of its aspirations for the establishment of equality and fraternity. In addition, this view is totally inconsistent with Islamic principles.

The above statement paints the true Prophets of Allah as exonerated failures. According to the supporters of this theory, the Prophets were failures because they were defeated by falsehood and could achieve no success in any period of history. Their religion did not penetrate the core of society, nor was it able to secure any notable share in the religious life of the rulers. Its role was confined to criticizing and raising objections

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against the ruling religion. The Prophets were exonerated, because contrary to the allegation of the materialists, they never joined hands with the exploiters, nor were they a factor of stagnation and inertia. Their sympathy was not with the exploiting class. On the other hand they belonged to the underprivileged class, had sympathy with this class and struggled for the restoration of its lost rights.

As the true Prophets cannot be blamed with respect to the spirit of their mission, which is the same as their orientation, they cannot also be blamed for their failure, for which they are not responsible, because the compulsion of history arising from private property was at the back of their opponents. The emergence of the system of private property compulsively divided society into the exploiters and the exploited.

That part of society which consisted of the exploiters, being the master of the material products of society, quite naturally became the master of its spiritual products also. In these circumstances the Prophets cannot be held responsible for their failure because in view of the compulsion of history it was not possible for them to resist the exploiters. Compulsion of history is a material version of fate and divine decree, though in this case the decree is issued not by Allah in the heaven, but by, a god on the earth, not by Absolute Allah, but by the material god, that is the ruling power called economic infrastructure of society, the main spring of which are the tools

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of production.

Although with this analysis of the situation, the true Prophets have been exonerated, yet the blame is laid on the world system which is generally described as a right system in which good always prevails over evil. The Islamic theosophists who have an optimistic view of the world system, claim that the world is good and sound. Evil and falsehood are only transient and temporary and their existence is not of essential character. The world system or for that matter, human social system is basically good. The Qur’an says: "As for the foam, it passes away as scum upon the banks, while, as for that which is of use to mankind, it remains in the earth. " (Surah ar-Ra'd, 13: 17)

The Qur’an says that in a conflict between the right and the wrong, the right is always victorious.

"We bring forward the truth to crush and destroy falsehood; it is doomed to vanish" (Surah al-Ambiya', 21: 18)

The Qur’an also says that the support of Allah is always at the back of the true Prophets: "We surely do help Our Messengers and those who believe, in the life of this world and on the Day when the witnesses arise. " (Surah al- Ghafir, 40: 51)

The Qur’an also asserts: "We decreed that Our servants, the Messengers will certainly be victorious. " (Surah as- Saffat, 37: 171)

But what these so called intellectuals say, contradicts this principle. Though they exonerate the Prophets and other past reformers, what they say amounts to blaming their Allah.

This is, in fact, a difficult problem.


On the one hand the Qur’an views the world system with a sort of optimism, and insists that the social life of man revolves round what is right, theosophy also in accordance with its own principles claims that what is good and right always prevails over what is bad and false, and that the existence of evil and falsehood is accidental relative and unreal, without any real and independent existepce of its own.

On the other hand, a study of the past and present history causes a sort of pessimism about the prevailing system, and gives support to the view of those who assert that entire history is a series of tragedies, tyrannies, injustice and exploitation.

It is rather difficult to say whether we have misunderstood the world system or the social system of man, or alternatively is it that we wrongly think that the Qur’an views history and life with optimism? Or is it that we have not misunderstood anything but there exists an insoluble contradiction between the actuality and the Qur’an?

As far as the world system is concerned, we have discussed this point in our book, Divine Justice, and with the grace of Allah resolved the doubt. As far as the course of history and

man's social life are concerned, we propose to discuss the question in a later discourse under the heading, Conflict Between Truth and Falsehood, and to express our views on it. We shall be gratified if other thinkers, also express their views on this question.











Chapter 28: Islamic Philosophy of History

point

Criteria:

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To ascertain the view-point of a school in respect of the nature of history, a number of criteria may be used. By taking these criteria into consideration, it can be found out what exactly the approach of a particular school is on historical movements and the nature of historical events.

Here we recount the criteria which have come to our notice in this respect. Of course it is possible that there may exist some other criteria which might have not come to our notice.

Before mentioning these criteria and finding out the view of Islam on them, we deem it necessary to point out that from our point of view the Qur’an hints at certain principles which point to the prime importance of the spiritual basis of society as compared to its material basis. The Qur’an expressly enunciating one of these principle says: "Allah changes not the condition of a people until they change what is related to their own conduct and behaviour. " (Surah ar-Ra'd, 13: 11)

In other words, Allah does not change the destiny of a people until and unless they themselves change their spirit. This verse expressly negates the theory of the economic compulsion of history. Here we mention the criteria so far as they could be ascertained by us and in their light would determine the logic of Islam.


I. Strategy of Mission

Every school has a message for society and calls upon people to accept it. For this purpose it has to use some special method which may suit its main objectives and

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be appropriate to its general approach on the nature of its historical movement. The preaching of a school consists of acquainting people with its basic view, and exerting pressure on special levers in order to stir and mobilize them.

For example, the school of Auguste Comte, which claims to be a sort of scientific school, holds that mental development is the essence of human evolution. This school believes that as far as his mentality is concerned, man has already passed through two stages, mythical and philosophical, and has now reached the scientific stage. As this school claims to be scientific, all the doctrines preached by it are couched in scientific terms and the levers which it wants to use as a means to mobilize people are also scientific levers.

Marxism is a revolutionary theory of the working class. Its preaching aims at creating consciousness of class contradictions among the workers. The levers on which it exerts pressure are obsessions and a sense of having been deprived and cheated.

The publicity that the various schools make and the points which they emphasize to mobilize people differ in accordance with the outlook of these schools on society and history. Similarly they have divergent views about the scope of their mission and about the morality and immorality of the use of force, in propagating and enforcing their doctrines in accordance with their particular outlook on the evolution of history and the development of man.

Certain schools, such as Christianity, maintain that as far as human beings are

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concerned only peaceful preaching conforms to the rules of morality. They consider the use of force in any form and under any circumstances to be immoral. That is why the Christian faith teaches that if anyone slaps you on your right cheek, offer your left cheek also, and if anyone seizes your forehead, surrender your cap also. On the contrary certain other schools such as that of Nietzsche are of the opinion that it is only the use of force that is moral, because man's greatest virtue lies in his power, and the most courageous man is equal to the highest man. From Nietzsche's point of view Christianity is tantamount to servility, weakness and humility, and is the main cause of the stagnation of humanity.

Some other schools hold that although morality depends on power and force, yet the use of force is not morally good in every case. From the view-point of Marxism the force that an exploiter uses against the exploited is immoral, because it is used to maintain the status quo, and therefore it is a factor of stagnation. But the force which the exploited uses against the exploiter is moral, for it is used to revolutionize society and to push it to a higher stage.

In other words, in the eternal conflict prevailing in society, one of the two parties fighting against each other, performs the role of the thesis and the other that of the anti-thesis. The force that performs the role of the thesis, being reactionary

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is immoral, and the force that performs the role of the antithesis, being revolutionary and evolutionary, is moral. But the same force which is moral at one stage may become immoral at a subsequent stage when it plays a negative and reactionary role against some other force which is revolutionary. As such morality is a relative term. What is moral at one stage may become immoral at another higher stage.

From the view-point of Christianity the contact of a school with its opponents whom it considers to be anti- evolutionary is in itself a simple contact. It is moral provided it is gentle and friendly. On the other hand, Nietzsche holds that the only moral contact is that of the powerful with the weak. According to him there is nothing more moral than power and there is nothing more immoral than weakness. There is no bigger crime or graver sin than being weak. From the view-point of Marxism there can be no contact between two groups holding opposite economic positions except that of force and the use of power. In this contact the use of force by the exploiting class is immoral, because it is anti-evolutionary, and the use of force by the exploited class is moral. Further there can be no doubt that the contact of a young force with an old one always amounts to a clash and for that matter, a morally justifiable clash.

Islam censures all the above-mentioned theories. Morality is not confined to peaceful contacts and kindly preaching


of benevolent nature. Sometimes the use of force also can be moral. That is why Islam considers it a sacred duty to fight against violence and tyranny and considers jihad and armed uprising, under certain circumstances, an obligation.

As for Nietzsche's theory, it is obviously absurd, inhuman and anti-evolutionary.

The theory of Marxism is based on the same mechanism as it believes to be the mechanism of history.

From the view-point of Islam force is not to be used against an anti-evolutionary group in the very first instance. Contrary to the teaching of Marxism it is to be used only at a subsequent stage. First the method of convincing and exhortation should be employed. The Qur’an says: "Call to the way of your Lord with wisdom and exhortation. " (Surah an-Nahl 16: 125)

The use of force against an anti-evolutionary front is allowed only when peaceful methods of convincing by arguments and through rational persuasion have been used and have failed.

In fact, all the Prophets who fought against their opponents, first tried to convince them by means of arguments and exhortation and often entered into debates with them. They resorted to force only when they could achieve no success or achieved only a partial one which they often did. The basic thing is that as Islam reflects in spiritual terms, it believes in the remarkable power of arguments and exhortation.

As it believes, in the words of Marx, in the critical force of weapons, it also believes in the force of the weapon of criticism, and

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takes full advantage of that. Anyhow, it does not believe that it is the only force which should be used everywhere. It is because of the special spiritual outlook of Islam in respect of man and consequently in respect of society and history that it regards fighting against an anti-evolutionary front as the second stage of its contact with it, the first stage being the arguments, exhortation and debate.

That shows that the contact of a school with its adversaries may either be based on mere persuasion or on mere conflict or it may be a two-stage contact, firstly of persuasion and secondly of conflict and clash. The policy which a school pursues in this respect makes clear its view about the effectiveness of the force of logic and exhortation and the limits of their efficacy. Similarly it makes clear what that school thinks about the course of history and the role of conflict in it.

Now we shall discuss the other aspect. Let us see what kind of consciousness Islam strives to awaken and what means it employs to invite people for embracing its message.

Islamic consciousness attaches paramount importance to the belief in the Divine Source and Resurrection.

This is the method which the Qur’an uses to inculcate its teachings, and says that it was used by the former Prophets also. The consciousness which Islam provides is in respect of the questions: "From where have you come? Where are you now? And where are you going? From where has the world come

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into being? What stage is it passing through? In which direction is it moving? " The first pinch of responsibility which the Prophets created was the pinch of the responsibility man owes to the whole creation and life. The pinch of social responsibility is a part of this pinch. As pointed out earlier, the chapters of the Qur’an revealed in Makkah during the first 13 years of the Holy Prophet's mission scarcely dealt with any subject other than that of the Divine Source and the Resurrection. [1]

The Holy Prophet started his mission with the declaration: "Say, there is no deity except Allah so that you may prosper. "

This was a religious movement which aimed at purifying human belief and thought. It is true that monotheism has vast dimensions. If all the Islamic teachings are analysed, they can be summed up as monotheism, and if monotheism is expanded, it encompasses all these teachings. But we know that in the beginning the creed meant nothing more than an intellectual and practical turning from polytheistic doctrines and acts of worship to monotheistic doctrines and acts of worship. If the creed had any extensive meaning, people at that time were not conscious of that.

This teaching which struck roots in the depth of human nature, created in the followers of the Prophets such a zeal and spirit that they jealously defended their creed, left no stone unturned to spread it and did not hesitate to sacrifice their life and property for the sake of it. The Prophets began

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with what is known in our times as the super-structure of society and gradually reached its infrastructure. In the school of the Prophets man is more concerned with his faith and belief than with his personal gains and interests.

In this school belief and thinking are the infrastructure; and work, that is the contact with nature and its gifts and with society, is the superstructure. Every religious preaching must be prophetic. In other words it should be accompanied by the remembrance of the Divine Source and the Resurrection. The Prophets mobilized society by awakening this feeling, unfolding this consciousness and shaking off the dust from conscience, having trust in the Rizwan (good pleasure) of Allah, His commands and His retribution. In the Qur’an at thirteen places the pleasure of Allah has been mentioned. By pressing this spiritual point the Qur’an has mobilized the society of the faithful. The understanding of this fact may be called Divine or cosmic consciousness.

In the next category there are the Islamic teachings which draw man's attention to his own dignity and superior position. According to Islam man is not that animal which in the beginning was just like all other primates, but was so dexterous on the scene of the struggle for survival that over hundreds of millions of years he has acquired his present position. On the contrary man is the being who has a shadow of Divine spirit in him and before whom the angels have prostrated themselves. In spite of his animal

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propensities of lust and vice, man in himself has a pure essence which is against bloodshed, lies, corruption, meanness, lowliness, hatred and putting up with violence and tyranny. Man is a manifestation of Divine honour. The Holy Qur'an says: "Honour belongs to Allah, to His Messengers and the believers. " (Surah al-Munafiqun, 63: 8)

When the Holy Prophet says: "Man's nobility lies in his vigil at night and his honour lies in his not being in need of the help of other people"; or when Imam Ali says to his companions at Siffin: "If you die as victors, that is your life and if you live as the vanquished, that is your death. " (See Nahjul Balagha - Sermon 51) or when Imam Husayn ibn Ali says: "To me death is nothing but good fortune and living with the tyrants is nothing but a matter of grief. "

All these sayings stress the sense of dignity and honour which man possesses by virtue of his true nature.

The third stage is that of the consciousness of one's rights and social responsibilities. In the Qur’an we come across several instances in which stress has been laid on the lost rights with a view to arouse people to create a movement.

"How should you not fight for the cause of Allah and of the oppressed among men and of the women and the 

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[1]: Some contemporary so-called Muslim intellectuals absolutely deny the existence of even a single verse in the Qur’an referring to the Resurrection. Wherever in the Qur’an there is a mention of 'dunya' (this world) , they interpret it as the lower system of life, that is the system of social discrimination and exploitation, and wherever there is a mention of 'Akhirah' (the next world) they interpret it as the higher system of life free from social discrimination, inequality, exploitation and private property. If 'Akhirah' really signifies this, then that means that the Qur’an one thousand years before the inception of materialist school gave up religion as the lost proposition.




children, who say: Our Lord! Deliver us from this town of the oppressors, and appoint for us from You a protector and send one that will help

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us? " (Surah an-Nisa 4: 75)

In this verse in order to persuade people to embark upon jihad, stress has been laid on two spiritual values: (i) that their movement is for the cause of Allah, 0i) and that helpless people are being oppressed by the tyrants.

In the following verse the Qur’an says:

"Sanction is given to those who fight because they have been wronged; Allah is indeed able to give them victory. Those who have been driven from their homes unjustly only because they said: Our Lord is Allah for had it not been for Allah's repelling some men by means of others, cloisters, churches, oratories and mosques wherein the Name of Allah is often mentioned, would have assuredly been pulled down. Surely Allah helps the one who helps Him. Surely Allah is Strong, Almighty. Those who if We give them power in the land, establish worship and pay the zakat and exhort to do what is right and restrain from what is evil. And to Allah belongs the issue of all affairs. " (Surah al-Hajj, 22: 39-41)

In this verse we see that while giving permission of jihad, a reference has been made to the lost rights of the Muslims. At the same time a value which is higher than the lost rights, and which forms the real philosophy of defence has also been mentioned. The Qur’an says that if jihad is not undertaken and the believers do nothing, the safety of the mosques and other houses of worship, which constitute the throbbing heart

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of the spiritual life of society, would be endangered and they would cease functioning. In the Surah an-Nisa' the Qur’an says: "Allah does not like the utterance of harsh speech except by one who has been wronged. " (Surah an- Nisa, 4: 148)

Evidently this is a sort of encouragement of the uprising by the oppressed. In the Qur’an after censuring the poets for their extravagantly fanciful ideas, adds: "Except those who believe, do good deeds, remember Allah much and vindicate (by means of poetry) themselves after they have been wronged. " (Surah as Shu'ara, 26: 227)

Although according to the Qur’an and the Sunnah (the conduct of the Holy Prophet) it is a grave sin to submit to tyranny and it is the duty of everyone to realize one's rights, these things have been mentioned as values having human aspect. The Qur’an does not rely on any psychic obsession nor does it excite jealousy or a carnal desire. For example it never says that such and such group is enjoying a lavish style of life, eating, drinking and making merry; why don't you take its place?

If an attempt is made to seize the property of someone, Islam does not allow the owner to keep quiet on the plea that material goods have no value. Similarly if an attempt is made to violate the honour of a person, it is the duty of that person not to take the matter lightly or keep quiet. According to a tradition, a person who is killed defending his honour


or his property is to be regarded as a martyr who has laid down his life for the cause of Allah. If Islam urges people to defend their property, that does not mean that Islam asks them to amass wealth or to be greedy. It only asks them to defend their rights. Similarly when it considers it a duty to defend one's honour, it does so because it regards chastity as the highest social value and considers man to be the custodian of it.


II. An Ideology's Nomenclature

Every school of thought identifies its followers with a specific name. For example the racial theory is the distinctive mark of the adherents of that theory. When they say " We", they mean the whites. The Marxist theory is the theory of the workers. The followers of this school call themselves workers and identify themselves by this name. When they say " We" , they mean workers. The Christians simply ascribe themselves to the person of Christ as if they have no doctrine nor any ideology. Their mark of identification is that they look for Christ and want to join him.

It is a characteristic of Islam that it has not chosen any racial, class, professional, local, regional or individual label to introduce its school and its followers. The adherents of this school are not known by any such designation as the Arabs, the Semites, the poor, the rich, the oppressed, the whites, the blacks, the Asians, the Easterns, the Westerns, the Muhammadans, the Qur’anians, the Qiblites etc.

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None of the above names represents the real identity of the adherents of Islam.

When the question of the identity of this school and its followers arises, all these names vanish. Only one thing remains, that is the relation between man and Allah. Islam means submission to Allah. The Muslims are an ummah that submits to Allah, to truth and to the revelation and the inspiration rising from the horizon of truth and communicated to the heart of the most worthy persons. Then what is the nature of the identity of the Muslims? What label does their religion attach to them and under what banner does it want them to assemble? The answer is Islamic submission to truth.

The criterion of unity that every school approves for its followers is a reliable means of judging its aims and objectives.

It also helps us to understand the outlook of school regarding man, society, and history.

III. Favourable and Unfavourable Conditions for Acceptability

We have said earlier that different schools have different view about the mechanism of the movement of history. One school is of the opinion that the natural mechanism of this movement is the pressure of one class against another class. Another school holds that it is the friction between a reactionary class. Still another school maintains that the real mechanism should be looked for in the pure state of human nature, which is evolutionary and progressive.

Some other schools have some other opinions. Every school in its teachings enumerates such causes, conditions, obstacles and impediments of the movement of

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history. as are appropriate to its conception of its mechanism The school which believes that the mechanism of the movement of history is the pressure of a class against another, in order to mobilize society and bring it into motion tries to create such pressure if it does not already exist. Marx in some of his works has pointed out that the existence of a subjugated and oppressed class is absolutely necessary for the emergence of a class of free people.

At the end of his study he says: " Where does the possibility of liberation for the German nation lie? Our answer is that: We must form a class which is decisively in chains. ' Such an ideology regards reforms as an obstacle in the way of a revolution, because reforms reduce pressure and a reduction in pressure prevents the explosion or at least delays the revolution. In contrast, a school that believes that movement is an intrinsic and essential quality of society never suggests the creation of shackles for any class, for it does not regard pressure as a necessary condition of evolution, nor does it consider reforms as an obstacle in the way of progress.

What does Islam say about the conditions conducive to progress and the obstacles which may block its way? In Islam all prerequisite conditions and the difficulties in this respect revolve round what may be called a pure state of human nature. That is why on some occasions the retention of primordial purity has been

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mentioned as a condition. The Qur'an says: "It is a guidance to the pious. " (Surah al-Baqarah, 2: 2). [1]

In some places a prick of conscience ensuing from a sense of responsibility and duty which one owes to the world, has been mentioned as a condition in such words: "Who fear their Lord in the unseen. " (Surah al-Anbiya', 21: 49) and "Who fears the Beneficent in secret. " (Surah Ya sin, 36: 11)

At some places a 'living nature' has been mentioned as a condition. "To warn him who is alive. " (Surah Ya sin, 36: 70)

Islam maintains that its call is accepted by those who are pure, have a sense of responsibility and live a natural life. As opposed to these qualities it mentions such qualities as the spiritual and moral corruption, the sin of the heart, the rust of the heart, the hearts becoming sealed, the loss of insight, the heart's becoming inattentive, the deformation of the soul, the observance of ancestral customs and habits, the following in the footsteps of the elders and the notables, acting upon conjectures etc. The Qur’an regards all such things as obstacles in the way of the development of society and its moving towards peace and prosperity. Extravagance and luxurious living are also considered to be obstacles as they turn a man into a beast.

According to the Islamic teachings the young people are more prepared to accept the truth than the aged. The reason is that psychic pollutions have not yet spoiled their true nature. Similarly the poor, being free


from the pollution of wealth are better prepared than the rich.

The mention of this sort of qualifications and disqualification indicates that according to the Qur’an the mechanism of social and historical changes is rather spiritual than economic and material.


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[1]: This shows that the Marxist theory that the use of force by the exploited class is moral, for it has an effective role in progress and its use by the class of the exploiters is immoral, because in this case it is a factor of stagnation is not a valid theory. When this school believes that the pressure of the exploiters plays as much role in the development as the revolutionary reaction of the exploited class, evidently the action of the exploiters should be as moral as the action of the exploited. The only difference between the two forces is that one looks to the past and the other to the future. Otherwise both of them play the same role in development. Hence the criterion of their morality and immorality should be the intention behind them and not that one looks to the past and the other to the future.



IV. Rise and Fall of Societies:

point

As a rule every school expresses its view about the causes of the progress and the decline of societies. The causes which a school considers to be the basic factors of the progress and the decline of society demonstrate its point of view about society, and about the evolutionary movements of history and its decline.

The Holy Qur'an, especially with reference to the stories and anecdotes related to these matters, explains its views. So let us see what things it regards as basic and infrastructural and what things as superstructural. Does it look upon the economic and material questions as the basic question or considers the doctrinal and moral questions to be so, or does not discriminate between these two types of questions?

In the Qur’an on the whole we come across four factors which affect the rise and fall of a society. We briefly refer to them here:

(i) Justice and Injustice

This point has been hinted at by the Qur’an in many of its verses including the second verse of the Surah al-Qasas quoted by us earlier: "Surely Fir'awn exalted himself in the earth and divided its people into castes. A section among them he oppressed, killing their sons and sparing their women. Surely he was of those who work corruption. "

In this verse first it has been


said that Fir'awn exalted himself. He claimed to be a super-god and regarded others as his slaves. In different manners he discriminated between his subjects and created rift among them. The Qur’an says that he oppressed a section of his people, killed their sons and spared their women (with a view to make them serve Firawn and his tribe). It describes him as one of those who work corruption. This description implies that such social tyrannies as were perpetrated by him, were likely to destroy the foundation of society.

(ii) Unity And Discord

The verse 103 of the Surah Ale Imran urges all to be united on the basis of faith and to hold fast to the bond of Allah. The verse 105 of the same Surah says: "And be not like those who separated and disputed. " The verse 153 of the Surah al-An'am also says almost the same thing.

In the following verses the Qur’an says: "Say: He is able to inflict punishment upon you from above you or from beneath your feet, or to bewilder you with dissension and make you taste the tyranny one of another. " (Surah An'am 6: 65)

"Do not quarrel with one another for then you will be weak and your power will depart from you. " (Surah al Anfal 8: 46)

(iii) Observance or Disregard of Allah's Command About Exhorting to What is Good and Restraining from What is Evil

The Qur’an has at many places stressed the necessity of acting according to this command. The following verse implies that the people who ignore this important duty, may be ruined and doomed to oblivion. One of the reasons why the Children of


Isra'il were deprived of the blessing of Allah was that: "They restrained not one another from the wickedness they did. Surely evil was what they used to do. " (Surah al Ma'idah 5: 79)

(iv) Moral Depravity and Licentiousness

There are various verses in the Qur’an in this regard also. Some of them describe luxurious living as a cause of ruin. In many other verses the word Zulm (injustice; cruelty, oppression, transgression, tyranny) has been mentioned. In Qur’anic terminology injustice does not exclusively mean violation of the rights of an individual or of a group. It also includes the injustice done by an individual to himself or by a people to themselves. Every kind of moral depravity and going astray from the right path of humanity is injustice.

The conception of injustice in the Qur’an is vast enough to include injustice done to others and the indulgence in all corrupt and immoral deeds. Mostly this word has been used in the Qur’an in this second sense. The number of the verses of the Qur’an in which injustice in its wider sense has been described as the cause of the ruin of a people, is too extensive to be cited here.

From the sum total of these criteria we can gather the view-point of the Qur’an in respect of the basis of society and history. The Qur’an believes in the definite and decisive role of many things which may be called superstructural.













Chapter 29: Evolution and Change in History

point

What we have said so far concerns one of the two important problems of history. The question

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so far dealt with was whether the nature of history is materialistic or not. Another important question is that of the evolution of history.

We know that social life is not confined to man alone. There are some other living beings also, which more or less lead some sort of social life based on mutual cooperation and division of labour and sharing of responsibilities under well organized laws and rules.

We all know that the honey-bee is one of such living beings. But there is one basic difference between the social existence of other living beings and that of man. The social existence of other living beings always remains fixed and static. No change or development in the system of their life or in the words of Morris Metterlink, in their culture - if that expression is correct ever takes place.

In contrast, the social life of man not only develops and changes, but it also gradually gathers speed and gains momentum. That is why the history of the social life of man has been divided from different angles into distinct periods distinguished from each other.

For example, from the view-point of the means of living, it has been divided into the periods of hunting, agriculture and industrial development. From the view-point of economic system it has been divided into the period of primitive com munism, the period of slavery, the period of feudalism, the period of capitalism and the period of socialism. From political point of view it has been divided into the

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period of. tribal rule, the period of despotism, the period of aristocracy, and the period of democracy. From the point of view of sex it has been divided into the period of matriarchy and the period of patriarchy. So on and so forth.

Why is this kind of development not found in the social life of other animals? Which basic factor is the cause of man's shifting from one social period to another? In other words, what is that which pushes life forward and is found in man and not found in animals? What is the mechanism of this progress?

In this connection the philosophers of history usually raise a question. They ask whether the social life of man has really made any progress over history, and if it has, by what criterion, we can judge it and be sure of it.

Some sociologists [1] doubt that the changes which have taken place may really be called a progress or an evolution. Some other sociologists hold that the movement of history is circular. They claim that history moves from a point, and after passing several stages reaches the same point again, and then once more begins to move in the same fashion as previously.

For example, a stiff tribal system is set up by the nomads, possessing will and courage. The tribal government naturally leads to the establishment of an aristocracy. The dictatorial actions of the aristocratic government culminate in a general revolution and the establishment of a democracy. Some time later the chaos

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and confusion caused by too much freedom under a democratic government once again lead to despotism with a tribal spirit.

At present we do not propose to enter into the discussion of this point and leave it to some other occasion. As a basis of further study we assume that on the whole history has marched forward and made progress.

It may be pointed out that those who maintain that history is going forward admit that the forward movement of history does not mean that the future of all societies under all circumstances is better than their past, that societies always and without any interruption move forward, and that there is no chance of their ever declining and moving backwards.

There is no doubt that societies come to a halt, decline, retrogress, turn to the left or the right and finally fade out. Nevertheless on the whole they move forward.

The question, what the motivating force of history and the factor of the social development is, has been usually so described in the books of philosophy that the incorrectness of the description becomes clear after a little consideration of it. Usually the following views are expressed about this question:

I. The Racial Theory

According to this theory, certain races are mainly responsible for the advancement of history. It is supposed that some races have the capability of creating culture and civilization, whereas some others do not possess such talents. Some races can produce science, philosophy, ethics, art and technology. Whereas some others are mere consumers of these commodities, not


the producers of them.

Hence, it is concluded that there should be a sort of division of labour among different races. The races which are fit for politics, education and the production of culture, art and technology should be exclusively responsible for human, fine and sublime activities. On the other hand the races which do not have such a capability should be excused from these activites and instead should be entrusted with manual and semi-animal work which does not require high thinking and sublimity of taste. This was the consideration why Aristotle who held such views, regarded some races fit for owning slaves and other races unfit for that.

Some thinkers believe that only particular races are able to lead the course of history. For example, they say that northern races in this respect are superior to southern races. It were the northern races which pushed human culture forward. Count Gobino, the famous French philosopher, who was for three years French Ambassador to - Page565 - Man and Universe

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[1]: See: E. H. Carr, What is History? ; Will Durant, Studies in History, The Pleasures of Philosophy, pp. 291-312



Iran about hundred years ago, supported this theory.

II. The Geographical Theory

According to this theory it is a particular sort natural environment that produces culture, education and industry. For example, the temperate regions produce moderate temperaments; and powerful brains. In the first part of the Qanun, Ibn Sina (Avicenna) has discussed at length the effects of the natural environment on the mental and temperamental personality of man.

According to this theory what pushes history forward is not the hereditary factor of race and blood. It is not that a particular race pushes history forward

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in every climate and every region and that another race wherever it may be living lacks that capacity. The difference in the capabilities of different races is the result of the difference in their environment. With the dispersion of races their capabilities also disperse. As such it is particular areas and regions which push history forward and cause new developments. The French sociologist of the 17th century Montesquieu in his celebrated book, De Lesprit des lois (the Spirit of the Law) advocates this theory.

III. Theory of Intellectual Giants

According to this theory all historical developments, whether scientific, political, economic, technical or moral, are produced by extraordinarily intelligent and ingenious persons. Man in this respect differs from all other living beings. Individual members of other species have biologically almost similar capabilities. At least there appears to be no appreciable difference.

In contrast, among the human beings as regards to their capabilities a great disparity is often observed. Exceptionally genius persons are found in every society. Whenever these geniuses possessing extraordinary intellect, taste, will or initiative appear in a society, they push it forward scientifically, technically, morally, politically or militarily.

According to this theory, most of the human beings lack initiative and creativity. They only follow and consume the ideas and the products of the industry of others.

In fact, more or less always, in every society there exists a minority which possesses a creative bent of mind. It has initiative, possesses original ideas, and goes ahead of others. It is this minority that pushes history forward and brings it

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to a new stage. The well-known English philosopher Thomas Carlyle believed that history was shaped by outstanding individuals. In his book On Heroes, Hero-Worship, and the Heroic in History he has made the following remarks about the Holy Prophet of Islam:

"The history of every nation is a manifestation of one or more than one outstanding personalities. More properly speaking, the history of every nation is a manifestation of the personality and the genius of one or more than one heroes. For instance, the history of Islam is a manifestation of the personality of the Holy Prophet; the history of modern France is a manifestation of the personality of Napoleon; and the Soviet history of the last sixty years is a manifestation of the personality of Lenin. "

IV. The Economic Theory

According to this theory economy is the motivating force of history. All social and historical affairs of a nations whether they are cultural, political, military or social, are a reflection of the production methods and production relations of that society. It is a change in the economic basis of a society that transforms its structure and pushes it forward. The geniuses mentioned above are not more than a manifestation of the economic, political and social needs of society caused by a change in the implements of production. Karl Marx, the Marxists on the whole and sometimes even some non-Marxists support this theory. Perhaps it is the most popular theory of our time.


V. The Divine Theory

According to this theory, whatever appears on the earth, is a heavenly affair which

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comes down to the earth in accordance with the profound wisdom of Allah. All historical changes and developments are a manifestation of His judicious will and profound wisdom. Therefore it is Divine will that pushes history forward and brings about changes in it. History is a scenario of the Divine Will. Bishop Bossuet, a well known historian and tutor of Louis XV advocated this theory.

These are the theories which have been usually discussed in the books of philosophy of history in connection with the causes that move history.

From our point of view none of these theories represents the correct position and they all are the result of some sort of a confusion. We want to find out the causes that move history, but these theories are largely irrelevant to what we want. For instance the racial theory is nothing more than a sociological theory. It is relevant only when the question is whether different human races have or have not some hereditary capabilities and whether they all are or not intellectually of the same level. If they are of the same level, that means that all races equally take part in the movement of history or at least theoretically they can. If they are not of the same level, that means that some races alone are fit to take part in the process of pushing history forward. So far this theory has been formulated correctly, but it does not resolve the mystery of the philosophy of history. Suppose we admit

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that all historical developments are effected by a certain race. Still our problem remains unsolved, for we still do not know why human life or the life of any particular human race develops, whereas animal life remains stationary. The question whether the factor of progress is one race or all races, does not unveil the secret of the movement of history.

The same is the case with the geographical theory. It is a useful theory and relates to an important sociological question as it shows that environments play an effective role in the mental, intellectual, temperamental and physical growth of man. Some environments keep man within or near the limits of an animal and others further his distance and distinction from animals. According to this theory, history moves among the men of certain regions and territories only. In other regions it is stationary and monotonous. But the main question still remains where it was. For example honey-bees and other gregarious animals lack historical movement even in the regions conducive to mental growth. Then what is the real cause of the difference between these two kinds of living beings, one kind of which remains stationary, whereas the other kind always moves from one stage to another?

The divine theory is still more inconsistent than these other theories. Is history alone a manifestation of the Divine Will? In fact the whole world from the beginning to the end including all causes and hindrances, is a manifestation of the Will of Allah.

The Divine Will bears

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the same relation to all causes of the world. As the developing and changing life of man is a manifestation of the Divine Will, similarly the stationary and monotonous life of the bees is also a manifestation of His Will. The real question is what that system is with which the Divine Will has endowed the life of man to make it developing while the life of other animals is stationary because it is devoid of that system.

The economic theory lacks technical aspect and has not been advanced as a principle. The economic theory of history, as it has been propounded, throws light on the nature of history only and shows that it is material and economic, and that all other affairs are tantamount only to forms or nonessential characteristics. Consequently, all affairs of society necessarily change. But all that is a question of 'if'. The real question still remains unanswered. Even if we admit that economy is the infrastructure of society and with its change the whole society undergoes a change, the question is why it is so.

What is that factor or factors which change the whole superstructure following a change in the infrastructure? Economy may be the infrastructure of society, but that does not necessarily mean that it is the motivating force of history also. Of course if the supporters of this theory instead of describing economy as the infrastructure of society, had described it as the motivating force of history, considered materiality of history to be

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enough for its dynamism, brought out the question of the inner contradiction of society and said that the real motivating force is the contradiction between the infrastructure and the superstructure of society or the contradiction between the two aspects of the infrastructure (implements of production and production relations) , the theory would have been presented properly.

There is no doubt that the aim of the proponents of the above theory in its present form is to say that the real cause of all movements of history is the inner contradiction between the implements of production and the production relations. But we are concerned with the correct presentation of the theory, not with what is in the minds of its proponents.

The theory of the intellectual giants, irrespective of the fact whether it is correct or incorrect, directly relates to the philosophy of history or the motivating factor of history.

As such so far we have got only two theories about the force which moves history. One of them being the theory of the giants, according to which history is created by the outstanding individuals. In fact, this theory claims that most members of society or almost all of them lack initiative, originality and power of leadership. They can bring about no change in society. But from time to time a very small minority with an extraordinary imaginative and creative capacity emerges in society. Its members take initiative, plan things, take decisions and pull the ordinary people behind them. Thus they bring about a change.

These heroic personalities are the product of extraordinary events, both natural and hereditary, but not of the social conditions or the material needs of society.

The second theory is that of the contradiction between the infrastructure and the superstructure of society. This theory may properly be called the theory of the motivity of economy. We have already referred to it, and need not dwell on it again.

There is a third theory also and that is the theory of the inborn characteristics. Man's nature is such that he has certain inherent characteristics which make his life evolutionary.

One of these characteristics is his ability of gathering and preserving experiences. Whatever knowledge and information man acquires through his experience, he retains it in his mind and uses it as a basis for his further experiments.

Another characteristic of man is his capacity of learning through speech and writing. Through these mediums he can transmit his experience to others. The experience of one generation is preserved for the benefit of the subsequent generations by means of speech and writing and thus human experience continues to pile up. That is why the Qur’an has given special importance to the blessings of speech and pen. The Qur’an says: "The Beneficent has made known the Qur’an. He has created man. He has taught him articulate utterance. " (Surah ar-Rahman, 55: 1-4) At another place it says: "Read: In the name of your Lord Who created, -- created man from a clot. Read: And your Lord is the Most Bounteous, who taught

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by the pen. " (Surah al-Alaq, 96: 1-4)

The third characteristic of man is his being equipped with the power of reason and initiative. By means of this mysterious power he can originate things, for he is a manifestation of the creative power of Allah. His fourth characteristic is his inherent desire to do something original. In other words man is not only potentially creative, but he can actually create things whenever necessary. Not only that, but a creative tendency has been implanted in his nature.

Man's capability of remembering and preserving his experience, his capacity of communicating it to others and his inherent tendency to be creative combined together are a force that always pushes man forward. In other animals there exists neither a capacity of remembering their experience and communicating it to others [1] nor originality and initiative, nor any strong desire of being creative. That is the reason why the animals are stationary and man marches forward. Now we shall scrutinize these theories.


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[1]: Some animals can transmit to others what they have learnt, but only on the level of daily events, not on the level of any scientific experience. The Qur’an also hints at this fact when it says: "When they (Sulayman's army) arrived in the valley of ants, one ant said to the others, 'Enter your dwellings lest you be carelessly crushed by Sulayman and his army. " (Surah an-Naml, 27: 18)


The Role of Personality in History

Some people have asserted that history is a struggle between ingenuity and normal limits. The common and average people support the situation to which they have been accustomed while the geniuses want to replace the existing situation with a better one. Carlyle claims that history begins with the geniuses and the heroes. This theory is in fact based on two presumptions:

The first presumption is that society is devoid of nature and personality. The individuals composing society do not form a real compound. All individuals are independent of each other.

They

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act and react upon each other, but they do not form a compound having its own collective spirit, personality, nature and special laws. They all have their individual mentality and way of thinking. The individuals; bear the same relation to society as the trees to a forest. Social events are nothing but a total of individual events. As such society is mostly governed by the universal and general causes.

The second presumption is that individual human beings have been so created that they vastly differ from each other. Although generally speaking the human beings according to the terminology of the philosophers are rational animals, yet almost all of them lack originality and creativity. Most of them are the consumers of culture and civilization, not the producers of them. In this respect they differ from the animals only so far that the animals cannot even be the consumers of culture. The spirit of majority is that of imitation, unquestioning adoption and hero-worship.

But a very small minority of men consists of heroes, geniuses, independent thinkers of outstanding calibre, of those who have an original and creative spirit, and of those who possess a strong will. They are distinct from the majority. Had there been no scientific, philosophical, artistic, political, social, ethical and technical geniuses and heroes, humanity would not have moved a step forward and would have remained where it was in the beginning.

From our point of view both these presumptions are defective. As for the first presumption, we have, while discussing society,

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proved that society has its own personality, nature, laws and norms and all events take place in accordance with its established general traditions. These traditions in themselves are progressive and evolutionary. Therefore we must set aside this presumption and then see whether, in spite of the fact that society has its personality, nature and traditions, it is possible for the personality of the individual to play any role in the march of events. We will discuss this point later. As for the second presumption, although it cannot be denied that the human beings have been so created that they differ from one another,

it is not correct to say that only heroes and geniuses have creative power and all others are the consumers of culture and civilization. In fact more or less all human beings have creative capacity, and as such all individuals or at least most of them can take part in productive and creative activities, though their share may be insignificant as compared to that of a genius.

Diametrically opposed to the theory that personalities create history, there is another theory which asserts that it is history that creates personalities. In other words, it is actually the existing social needs that create a personality.

Montesquieu has said: "Great men and important events are the signs and the results of the longer and greater events. " Hegel said: "Great men do not give birth to history; but act as midwives. " The great men are the symbols, not the agents. According to the thinking

of those who like Durkheim believe that collective spirit is the basic thing, and that the individuals as such absolutely lack personality and they borrow their whole personality from society, the individuals including big personalities are nothing but a manifestation of the collective spirit of society. In the words of Mahmud Shabistari they are a screen of the window of collective spirit.

From the view-point of those who like Marx consider individual consciousness to be a manifestation of the collective material needs, the personalities are a mere manifestation of the material and economic needs of society.











Part 7: Imamat and Khilafat

Cxhapter 30: Imamat and Khilafat

Leadership

The discussion of the question of Imamat may raise certain queries in the mind of our readers. Here we advance our views about these queries. In this respect the main questions are only two.

I. Every nation tries to project the good points of its history, and as far as possible wants to conceal its weaknesses. The events in which an institution or an ideology may take pride are considered to be the signs of its authenticity and veracity, and the unpleasant events of its history create doubts about its genuineness and are regarded as the signs of the weakness of its creative power. Hence the discussion of the question of Imamat and Khilafat, especially the repeated narration of the ugly events of the early Muslim period is likely to diminish the religious zeal and fervor of the new generation, which is already passing though a spiritual crisis. In the past such a

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discussion might have produced the desired results and diverted the attention of the Muslims from one denomination to another. But in modern times it only weakens faith in the very fundamentals. When others conceal the ugly aspects of their history, why should we, the Muslims try to bring out the ugly aspects of our history and even magnify them?

We do not concur with the above views. We affirm that should the review of history mean to bring out the undesirable events only, the effect will be as disastrous as stated above. But it is also a fact that if we remain contented with portraying only the bright aspects of our history and suppress the unpleasant events, that would mean a distortion of history, not a review of it.

Basically no history is free from ugly and undesirable events. History of every nation, and basically history of mankind, is a bundle of pleasant and unpleasant events. It cannot be otherwise. Allah has created no people free from sins. The difference between the history of various nations, communities and creeds lies in the proportion of the happy and ugly events and not in the fact that anyone of them has only happy or only ugly events.

The Holy Qur’an has very beautifully expressed the fact that man has good as well as bad points. The summary of what it has said is that Allah informed the angels of His intention to create a vicegerent (Adam). The angels who knew only the weak points of

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the new being, were astonished and wanted to know what considerations prompted Allah to take such an action. Allah told them that He knew the good and the bad points of that being and that they were not aware of all the characteristics of that being.

If we look at the history of Islam from the view-point of the events manifesting faith and human values, we will find that it has no rival. This history is full of heroic deeds. It is laden with lustre and brilliance and is replete with a display of human qualities. The existence of a few ugly spots does not tarnish its beauty and majesty.

No nation can claim that its history possesses more bright events than the history of Islam, or that the ugly events of Islamic history are more numerous than the ugly events of its own history.

A Jew in order to taunt Imam Ali with the events which took place in the early period of Islam over the question of Khilafat, said: "You no sooner buried your Prophet, than began quarrelling about him.

What a beautiful reply Imam Ali gave! He said: "You are wrong. We did not differ about the Prophet himself. We differed only as to what instructions we had received from him. But your feet had not dried of sea water when you said to your Prophet: "Appoint a god for us like the gods they have. " He said: "You are an ignorant people. " (Nahjul Balaghah)

Imam Ali meant to say: "Our differences

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did not relate to the principles of Monotheism and Prophethood. What we differed about was whether the Qur’an and Islam foresaw a particular person to be the successor to the Holy Prophet or his successor was to be elected by the people. In contrast you Jews during the very lifetime of your Prophet raised a question which was entirely contrary to your religion and the teachings of your Prophet. "

Furthermore, even if it is supposed that in ordinary cases it is permissible to overlook the ugly events of history, how can it be proper to ignore the most basic question affecting the destiny of Islamic, society, that is the question of Islam's leadership. To overlook such a question means overlooking the well-being of the Muslims.

Moreover, if it is a fact that some historical rights have been violated and those to whom these rights were due were the most virtuous personalities of the Muslim Ummah, then overlooking these historical facts would mean nothing but cooperation between the tongue and the pen on the one hand and the sword of injustice on the other.

II. The second objection to the discussion of these questions is that such a discussion is inconsistent with the duty of ensuring Islamic unity. All the misfortunes of the Muslims have been due to the communal differences. It is communal discord and disturbances which has swept away the Muslim power, damaged the Muslims' dignity and made them subservient to alien nations. The most effective weapon in the hand of colonialism,


whether old or new, is the enflaming of these old rancours. In all Muslim countries without exception the lackeys of colonialism are busy with creating dissension among the Muslims in the name of religion and sympathy with Islam. Have we not already suffered enough on account of these old disputes so that we should continue to pursue them? Do not such discussions mean helping colonialism?

In reply to this criticism, we would like to say that there is no doubt that unity is the most important requirement of the Muslims, and that these old rancours are the basic cause of all troubles in the Muslim world. It is also true that the enemy is always ready to exploit these disputes. But it appears that the critic has misunderstood the concept of Muslim unity.

Muslim unity which has been a subject of discussion among the scholars and the broad-minded sections of the Muslims does not mean that the Muslim sects should ignore their principles of faith and articles of acts for the sake of unity, adopt the common features of all the sects and set aside the peculiarities of all. How can this be done when this is neither logical nor practical. How can the followers of any sect be asked to ignore for the sake of preserving the unity of Islam and the Muslims, any of their beliefs or practical principles which they consider to be a part of the basic structure of Islam? Such a demand would mean to overlook a

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part of Islam in the name of Islam?

There are other ways of persuading people to stick to a principle or to give it up. The most natural of them is to convince others by means of logical argumentation. Faith is not a matter of expedience, nor can it be imposed on any people or taken away from them at will.

We are Shi'ahs and are proud of following the chosen descendants of the Holy Prophet. We do not regard as compromisable any act which has been even slightly commended or condemned by the Holy Imams. In this regard we are not willing to fulfil the expectation of anybody, nor do we expect others to give up any of their principles in the name of expediency or for the sake of Muslim unity. All that we expect and wish is the creation of an atmosphere of good will so that we, who have our own jurisprudence, traditions, scholastic theology, philosophy, exegesis and literature, should be able to offer our goods as the best goods, so that the Shi'ah should no more be isolated and so that the important markets of the Muslim world should not be closed to the fine material of Shi'ah Islamic knowledge.

The adoption of the common Islamic features and the rejection of the peculiarities of all sects is contrary to the compound consensus of opinion among the Muslims and the product of this action will be something absolutely un-Islamic, for the peculiarities of some sect or other must be

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the basic part of the structure of Islam. Islam bereft of all peculiarities and distinguishing features has no existence.

The most prominent among those who advanced the noble idea of Islamic unity, in our times, have been the late Ayatullah Burujardi among the Shiah and Allamah Shaykh Abdul Majid and Allamah Shaykh Mahmud Shaltut among the Sunnis. But they never had such a view of Islamic unity in their mind. All that these learned men advocated was that the various Muslim sects in spite of their different theologies should on the basis of the large number of common features existing among them, form a common front against the dangerous enemies of Islam. These learned men never proposed under the name of Islamic unity a religious unity which is not practical.

In fact, there is a technical difference between a united party and a united front. A united party requires that all its members should have a common ideology and a common way of thinking in all matters except their personal affairs, whereas a common front means that various parties and groups, despite their ideological differences should, by means of the common features existing among them, form a common front against their common enemy. The formation of a common front against the common enemy is not inconsistent with defending one's ideology and inviting other members of the front to follow it. The main idea of the late Ayatullah Burujardi was to pave the ground for the dissemination of the knowledge of the Prophet's

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chosen descendants among his Sunni brethren. He believed that this was not possible without creating good will and understanding. The success he achieved in the publication of some theological books of the Shi'ah in Egypt by the Egyptians themselves, was one of the most important achievements of the Shi'ah scholars.

May Allah reward him for the services he rendered to the cause of Islam and the Muslims!

Anyhow, the advocacy of the thesis of Islamic unity does not demand that we should feel shy of telling the facts. What is to be avoided is to do any thing that may injure the feelings and sentiments of other parties. As for a scientific discussion, it relates to the domain of logic and reason, not to that of sentiments and feelings.

Fortunately in our times there have appeared a good number of Shi'ah scholars who are following this healthy policy, the most prominent of them being Ayatullah Sayyid Sharafuddin Amili, Ayatullah Kashiful Ghita and Ayatullah Shaykh Abdul Husayn Amini, the author of the prominent book, Al-Ghadir.

The events of Imam Ali's life and the policy he pursued, which has now been practically forgotten and is rarely mentioned, provide a good example in this respect.

Imam Ali did not refrain from speaking of his right and claiming it, nor did he hesitate to complain against those who snatched it away from him. His keen interest in Islamic unity did not prevent him from raising his voice frankly. His numerous sermons in Nahjul Balaghah are a testimony to this


fact. But all his grievances did not impel him to leave the ranks of the Muslims struggling against their opponents. He took part in the Friday and other congregational prayers. He accepted his share of the booty of that time. He always gave sincere counsel to the Caliphs and was counted as one of their advisers.

During the war of the Muslims against the Iranians the Caliph then intended to take part in the fighting personally. Imam Ali said to him: "Do not go to the front, for so long as you are in Madina, the enemy thinks that even if the whole Muslim army is wiped out, you will send reinforcement from the centre. But if you personally go to the battlefield, they will say: Here the mainstay of the Arabs is. And then they will concentrate all their forces to kill you, and if they kill you, the Muslims will be totally demoralized". (See: Nahjul Balagha, Sermon 146)

That was the regular policy that Imam Ali pursued. But he never accepted any post under the Caliphs. He did not consent to be a military commander, the governor of a province, the Amir of Hajj, nor did he accept any other such appointment for its acceptance would have meant the renunciation of his own well-established claim. In other words, the acceptance of an official post would have been something more than mere cooperation and 

preservation of Islamic unity. Although he himself did not accept any post, he did not prevent his

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relatives and friends from accepting such posts, because that did not mean the endorsement of the Caliphate.

Imam Ali's behaviour in this respect was very graceful and a sign of his dedication to the Islamic objectives. While others divided, he united; while others tore apart, he patched up.

Abu Sufyan tried to take advantage of the displeasure of Imam Ali. He pretended to be a well-wisher of him and tried to wreak his own vengeance by showing respect to the Holy Prophet's legatee, but Imam Ali was shrewd enough not to be hoodwinked by him. He with his hand struck Abu Sufyan's chest as a sign of rejection of his offer and turned him away. (See Nahjul Balagha, Sermon 5)

Abu Sufyans and Hayy ibn Akhtabs are always busy with their evil designs. Hayy ibn Akhtabs' finger can be seen in many happenings. It is the duty of the Muslims, especially the Shi'ah to keep Imam Ali's traditions in this respect before their eyes and not to be deceived by Abu Sufyans and Hayy ibn Akhtabs.

These were the objections of those who oppose the question of leadership and this is our reply to them.

What is amazing is that some other people raise objections quite contrary to these objections. This group wants the question of Islamic leadership to become rather a regular pursuit. It wants this question to be discussed in season and out of season and repeated like a slogan. But this group is not interested in its being dealt with in a


scientific and instructive way. It wants to keep the feelings strained, but is not interested in satisfying intellectual quest or sharpening wits. And that is what the enemy wishes. Otherwise if the question is discussed in a learned manner, there is no reason why it should become a pursuit?


Imamat and Dialectic Logic

An Extract From Notes

Dialectic logic denies that society needs guidance or leadership, According to this logic at the most society needs an intellectual and leader to bring inequities, contradictions and inequalities existing in society to the consciousness of the masses so that dialectic movement may be initiated. As this movement is compulsive, the passage from thesis and anti-thesis to synthesis is unavoidable. Therefore society automatically traverses its course and in the end attains perfection.

The leaflet [1] - Leadership, Imamat, Dialectic, says: "One of the important questions concerning leadership and Imamat, especially the Islamic conception of Imamat is: What is the role of the so-called intellectual? Is his duty and responsibility merely to depict the inequities and inequalities, awaken the consciousness of the exploited classes and inculcate the existence of real class contradiction in the mind of the deprived masses? Is it true that once the masses become conscious of the existing contradictions, society moves forward -automatically and dialectically"

The fact is that above all other things society needs leadership, guidance and Imamat. Development is not the essential result of the contradictions. Development is not possible without guidance and leadership. Dr. Ali Shari'ati in the last pages of his booklet, Wherefrom to Begin has elaborately discussed this question

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under the heading, Responsibility and Mission of an Intellectual. He says: "Briefly the responsibility of an intellectual is to transmit the inequities within society to the self-consciousness of the people of that society. Then society performs its own movement. "

Anyhow, after a few lines he makes some remarks, which are contrary to the above statement, and support society's need of guidance and leadership.

Dr. Shari'ati says: "It has been supposed that from the point of view of leadership an intellectual has no responsibility. Dialectic contradiction chooses its own way. An intellectual's duty is confined to portraying contradictions and rousing the underprivileged classes against the ruling classes. [1] " But only after a few lines he talks of "determining a solution and the common ideals of society and of inculcating zeal and a sense of common faith.... " These remarks are contrary to the theory that society performs its own movement. When Dr Shari'ati speaks of dialectic corollary of the triangle of thesis, anti-thesis and synthesis and of compulsory development, he is consistent, but when he makes his subsequent remarks, he speaks against his own postulates.

Leadership and Protection of Faith

The scholastic theologians have greatly emphasized that Imam is the protector and preserver of faith and religion. Probably it is supposed that he protects religion in the same way as a building is first erected and then it is maintained and protected against a possible damage by rain, wind etc. Hence there appears to be no need that a building built by an unrivalled builder should be preserved by

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a person having almost the same degree of skill as the original builder. For example there has never been felt any need that there should exist some persons of the calibre of those who created the Masjid Shah, Ali Qapu, the dome of Masjid Shaykh Lutfullah, the Bayasanqari inscription of Masjid Gowhar Shad, the writings of Meer and Bayasanqar, the hand-written Qur’ans and other master-pieces.

But the fact is that a damage to religion is not a simple affair. According to psychological and sociological principle as soon as a revolutionary movement succeeds and the enemy despairs of continuing his face to face confrontation, he ceases to resist it openly and on the basis of his assessment of his own advantage, he sometimes even joins the movement, not because he has really been converted to it, but purely with a view to exploit its success. He utilizes the movement for his own ends without having faith in its spirit and objectives. That is what happened during the constitutional movement of Iran.

The opponents of the constitutional government joined the movement, and pretended to be its staunch supporters. Ayanuddawlah and Sadr ul Ashraf became prime ministers of the constitutional government. Such people not only preserve the external features of the movement, but also try to furnish it with further adornments. Anyhow, they destroy its spirit, its reality and its core, and empty it from within. In the words of Imam Ali in this process, "Islam is overturned as a pot is overturned. " (See


Nahjul Balgha -- Sermon 103)

Thus they divert the movement from its right course, preserving its shape and appearance but altering its content and nature. As most people are only superficial observers and prone to take things for their face value, they remain happy and satisfied, for they find the externalities safe to the utmost extent. They do not realize that the fundamentals have vanished. It is here that mature thinking and deep observation are required. When Imam Ali said: "In every generation we have irreproachable successors who defend us against the deviation of the fanatics and the pretensions of the liars", he might have referred to the Holy Imams themselves or to the honest scholars who keep a watch on the people's belief in the Imams.

It may be mentioned that struggle against innovations in religion is not confined to those cases in which a law is openly violated or something that has nothing to do with religion is intentionally introduced into religion. Sometimes people's way of thinking in regard to religion is so perverted that they begin to have aversion to right thinking. What we mean to emphasize is that there is no fear of any harm being incurred by Islam from outside the Muslim world. The Qur’an says: "Those who disbelieve have now despaired of doing any damage to your religion. Therefore do not fear them; but have fear of Me. " But there exists a definite threat to Islam from inside. In this connection the greatest threat is


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[1]: Please refer to our footnote of the booklet, Wherefrom to Begin, page 39.

[1]: In one of his footnotes on the booklet, Wherefrom to Begin, page 39.


posed not by those who commit abominable sins out of lust etc. , but by the hypocrisy of those who are afraid of opposing Islam openly.

They wear a mask of Islam on their face and try to achieve their nefarious ends under the cover of Islamic way of life, a very heavy cover indeed. They devoid Islam of its content, leaving intact its shape and appearance by changing its courseand its goal and altering its meaning. [1] The simple-minded Muslims must be aware of the fraud of this group.


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[1]: In his papers on "Alteration of the Qur’an" the author says that distortion of meaning indicates the retention of the wording of the Qur’an, but expounding it wrongly as, according to a well-known story Muawiyah did when he misinterpreted the wording of the prediction regarding the death of Ammar ibn Yasir. Another case of the distortion of meaning is the misinterpretation of the verse: "There is no hukm (decision, judgement) except by Allah. " (Surah Yusuf 12: 90) On the basis of this verse the Khawarij raised the slogan: La hukma illaillah (There is no decision except by Allah). Commenting on this slogan Imam Ali said: "Right words, wrong meaning". (See Nahjul Balagha, Sermon 40). This intentional or unintentional misinterpretation was disastrous and caused so much damage in the history of Islam. Another case is the misinterpretation of the tradition: "If you know (Allah) , do whatever you like. "












Chapter 31: Imamat - Leadership

point

In his papers entitled the Notes on Leadership and Administration the author has described very well the difference between Prophethood and Imamat. The first is guidance and the second is leadership. As a religious guide or Prophet is a sort of Divinely appointed guide, the same case is with a leader or an Imam. The Holy Prophet and some other Prophets have been both the guides and the leaders. But the end of Divine guidance does not mean the end of Divine leadership also.

The same notes say that Imamat and Prophethood are two different assignments and two different states. They are often separable. Many Prophets only conveyed revelations. They were not the Imams. Similarly the Imams of the Prophet's House have not been the Prophets. Anyhow, Ibrahim and Muhammad were the Prophets and the Imams both (Peace be upon them). The Qur'an says: "I am going to Make you Imam for the people. " (Surah al Baqarah 2: 124)

Our contention that

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Prophethood is guidance and Imamat is leadership has been derived from the Qur’an, which says: "The Messenger has only to convey the message of Allah. " (Surah al Maidah 5: 99)

But we know that the duty of an Imam is to supervise, to lead and to take care of those who accept his leadership.

According to the Shi'ah belief, as Prophethood is conferred by Allah, Imamat is also granted by Him. In this respect there is no difference between Prophethood and Imamat. The distinguished Prophets have been guides as well as leaders. The end of Prophethood means the end of Divine guidance in the sense of showing the way and delivering the message, but Divine leadership or Imamat shall never come to an end.

Difference Between Guidance and Leadership

According to one definition the leader is he who makes it easy for his followers to achieve the required goal. The guide on the other hand not only shows the way, but also often provides the means of traversing it and reaching the goal.

As a matter of fact a person may hold simultaneously both the assignments of a guide and a leader, or may hold only one of them. As we have already said, Prophethood is a sort of guidance and Imamat is a sort of leadership. It is possible that one person may be both a guide and a leader. It is also possible that someone may be only a guide and not a leader like all our genuine preachers. (Those whose preaching is not proper are out of


question. ) They themselves stand aside and show the pitfalls to others. Their responsibility ends there. In contrast, it is also possible that someone may be a leader, not a guide. That happens when the way is known and the goal has already been determined. In this case a leader is required to awaken the dormant forces, to mobilize them and to push them forward. Similarly it is also possible that one person may be a leader and a guide both.


Imamat of the Holy Imams and the Tradition of Thaqalayn

The tradition (Hadith) of Thaqalayn is an authentic tradition reported by numerous authorities both the Shi'ah and the Sunnis. According to it the Holy Prophet is reported to have said: "I leave among you two heavy trusts: the Book of Allah and my chosen descendants. " [1]

This tradition has been usually used as a prelude to the narration of the misfortunes of the Holy Prophet's Chosen descendants. The preachers say: "This was the Holy Prophet's direction, but no sooner than he died.... " This description gives the impression that the members of the Holy Prophet's House were crushed and made totally ineffective. Though it is true that their services were not utilized as they should have been, yet it must be admitted that their presence was extraordinarily effective in the preservation of Islamic heritage. Of course the then government as well as Islamic politics deviated from their original course and the members of the Prophet's House could render no service in that field, but they so protected and kept alive

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the spiritual heritage of Islam and the Holy Prophet, that it remained safe even after the gradual decline and extinction of the Islamic caliphate.

Islam is a code of life which covers all affairs temporal and spiritual. It is not like the school of a moral teacher or a philosopher which can deliver to society nothing more than a few books and a few pupils. Islam besides being a moral and cultural school and a social and political system, is a new code of life and a new way of thinking. It practically brings new arrangements into existence. Islam preserves the spirit in the matter, the invisible in the visible, the life Hereafter in this world and finally the kernel in the husk and the husk in the kernel.

The deviation of the government from its original course rendered the institution of caliphate into mere husk. Outward formalities were kept intact, but the spirit of piety, truthfulness, justice, sincerity, love, equality and patronage of science and knowledge did not exist, especially during the Umayyad period when true knowledge was despised and discouraged.

The only thing which was encouraged was poetry, pre-Islamic customs and boasting of one's ancestry. The result was that politics was separated from religiousness. In other words those who represented spiritual heritage of Islam were not allowed to take part in political affairs and those who held political power were alien to the spirit of Islam, and carried out only its outward formalities such as congregational prayers and the appointment

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of the officials to perform Islamic duties.

They were caliphs and the commanders of the faithful only in name. At last even this duality disappeared and the outward formalities were also gone. Even the form of government officially became pre-Islamic. Spirituality and religiousness were totally separated from politics. From here it can be understood that the biggest blow which was dealt to Islam began from the day that religion and politics were separated from each other. Though during the days of Abu Bakr and Umar religion and politics still to a certain extent went together, the seeds of their separation were sown during that period. The things so developed that Umar made repeated mistakes and Imam Ali corrected them. Fortunately Imam Ali was his regular adviser. The separation of religion and politics being the greatest threat, the well-wishers of Islam wanted to keep them together. The relation between these two is that of spirit and body.

The body and spirit and the husk and kernel should remain united. The husk is required to protect the kernel from which it draws its strength. Islam gives importance to politics, government, political laws and jihad only for the purpose of protecting and preserving its spiritual heritage, that is monotheism, supremacy of spiritual and moral values, social justice, equality and regard for human sentiments. If this husk is separated from its kernel, the latter will be damaged and the former will become of no use.

The bold action which the Imams took was the protection

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of the spiritual heritage of Islam. They separated from Islam the institution of caliphate as it existed. The first Imam who took this action was Imam Husayn (AS). His uprising made it clear that Islam meant piety, recognition of Allah and self-sacrifice for His cause, not the values introduced by the Umayyad Caliphate.

Now let us see what the spiritual heritage of Islam means and how the Holy Imams have protected it. The Holy Qur’an says: "The Prophet reads out to them Allah's verses, purifies them and teaches them the Book and wisdom" (Surah Jumu'ah 62: 2)

It also says: "So that the people may establish justice. " (Surah al Hadid 57: 25)

Again it says: "We have sent you as a witness, a bringer of good tidings, a warner and one who calls to Allah with His permission. " (Surah al-Ahzab 33: 45)

The Imams first of all urged people to do what is good and abstain from that which is evil. The most extreme example of this sort of action is Imam Husayn's uprising. Secondly the Imams paid attention to disseminating knowledge. An example of this action is Imam Ja'far Sadiq's school, which produced such eminent scholars as Hisham, Zurarah and Jabir ibn Hayyan.

The same purpose was served by the Nahjul Balaghah, the Sahifah Sajjadiyah and the disputations of all Imams, especially those of Imam Riza. Above all the Imams showed practical piety, asceticism, selflessness and benevolence. They passed their nights in worshipping Allah and helped the poor and the weak. They possessed the

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noble Islamic qualities of forgiveness, beneficence and humility. Their very sight reminded the people of the moral and spiritual qualities preached by Islam and the Holy Prophet. Imam Musa Kazim observed vigils in close vicinity to Harun's palace. Imam Riza, when he was still the heir apparent, declared: "Allah of all the people is the same, their father is the same and their mother is the same. None is superior to others except by virtue of piety. " 

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[1]: In this connection a reference may be made to Shaykh Qawam Wishnawahi's treatise appended to Risalatul Islam and to the Biharul Anwar, an account of the Prophet's life.


He took meals with the barber and the door-keeper and mixed freely with them.

The spiritual philosophy of Islam is the preservation of its moral and spiritual heritage and the retention of its kernel in contradistinction of its husk. The separation of spirituality from politics amounts to the separation of the kernel from its husk.


Imamat and Hadith of Thaqalayn

(i) The substance of this tradition is mutawatir, which means that it has been reported by numerous irreproachable authorities. Its wording may vary, but according to most of the reports it is as under: "I am leaving among you two heavy trusts: The Book of Allah and my chosen descendants. So long as you adhere to them, you will never go astray. They will not be separated from each other till they come to me at the fountain. "

Once in an article published in an issue of the magazine, Risalatul Islam, the organ of the Dar ut-Taqrib Baynal Mazahibul Islamiya this tradition appeared thus: "I am leaving among you two heavy trusts: the Book of Allah and my Sunnah. " Immediately, at

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the instance of the late Ayatullah Burujardi, a scholar of Qum, named Shaykh Qiwamuddin Wishnawahi wrote a treatise entitled Hadithuth Thaqalayn and sent it to the Darut-Taqrib which published it as a separate treatise.

In that treatise the sources of this tradition have been traced in the books of traditions, the commentaries of the Qur’an, biographies, historical books and dictionaries, in which this tradition has been mentioned for different reasons. For example it is mentioned in the commentaries of the Qur’an in connection with the verse: "We will dispose of you O you Thaqalayan. " and in connection with the verses of 'I'tisam' (3: 103) , 'Mawaddat' (42: 23) and 'Tathir' (33: 33). In dictionaries it is mentioned in connection with the root-word, thaqal etc.

(ii) In the Holy Qur’an the word, thaqalayn has been used to signify the men and the jinn. Let us see what it signifies in this tradition. [1]

In connection with the tradition there are a few points worth mentioning. The first point is: Why have the Chosen descendants of the Holy Prophet been called thaqal?

The second point is: Why has the Qur’an been called the major thaqal and the chosen descendants of the Holy Prophet the minor thaqal? Some reports have these words: "One of them (the thaqals) is greater than the other. "

The Holy Prophet was asked as to what he meant by the thaqalayn. He said: "The Book of Allah, the one end of which is in Allah's hand and the other end of which is in your hand, and my descendants

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who are the minor thaqal".

According to a certain report, he added: "They are the two ropes which will not break off till the Day of Resurrection. "

(iii) The third important point in this connection is that the Holy Prophet has said that these two will not be separated. He did not mean to say that they will not part company with each other or that they will not be displeased with each other or that they will not quarrel. What is meant is that adherence to one of them is inseparable from adherence to the other. They cannot be separated by saying that the Qur’an is enough for us as Umar said in the early days of Islam or by saying that what has been reported to us from the Prophet's House is enough for us as the Akhbarists say. Incidentally some of the Shi'ah scholars are of this opinion.

(iv) The fourth point is that the Holy Prophet has guaranteed that those who really adhere to these two thaqa1s would never go astray and would not feel miserable.

The decline and deviation of the Muslims began when they tried to thrust a wedge between these two thaqals.

Now let us discuss why the law-giver has chosen to append something else to the revealed Book brought by him.

This question is related to the profundity and subtlety of the Qur’an, the law of which requires an interpreter and commentator. To illustrate this point it may be said that sometimes we import from a foreign country

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such simple goods as cloth, shoes or utensils. In this case we do not need any persons to come along with the goods to direct us how to use them. We can sew garments out of cloth, can use the utensils and put on the shoes. But sometimes we import a complete manufacturing plant. In that case it is necessary that some experts should come along with it to install it and operate it for a fairly long time till our own technicians are ready to operate it independently. Similarly when modern war equipment is imported, it should definitely be accompanied by technicians to teach its use.

We have heard that recently France has sold mirage aircraft to Libya, but it is said that the Libyan pilots will not be in a position to fly them at least for two years.

Hence the question of leadership in the sense of religious authority, to which the Holy Prophet has referred in this authentic tradition, is nothing but a stress on the fact that it is not enough to know Arabic in the ordinary sense to be able to interpret the Qur'an, to understand its aims and to explain its injunctions and moral rules. We know how the literal interpretation of the tradition which says that you will see your Lord on the Day of Resurrection as you see the moon when it is full, led to gross deviation and anthropomorphic conceptions.

To say that the Book of Allah is enough for us culminates in

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either Ash'arism or Mu'tazilaism, each of which was a heretical school of thought.

Our twelve Imams are the Qur'anic technicians. Their knowledge does not belong to the world of senses. It is Divinely inspired or at least especially acquired knowledge. Imam Ali once addressing Kumayl said: "Knowledge with real insight came to them unexpectedly. They experienced the satisfaction of conviction. They found easy what those living in luxury considered to be difficult, and they were on intimate terms with that, of which the ignorant were afraid. " (See Nahjul Balagha, Saying 146)

Imam Ali says: "The chosen descendants of the Holy Prophet keep his trust and abide by his orders. They are a treasure of his knowledge, a sanctuary of his wisdom, an archive of his Books and a support of his religion. With - Page600 - Man and Universe

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[1]: Shaykh Qiwamuddin says that this tradition has been reproduced in Sahih Muslim, Vol. VII, p. 122, Sunan Tirmizi, Vol. II, p. 307, Sunan Abu Da'ud, Vol. V, pp. 182, 189; Mustadrak Hakim, Vol. III, pp. 14, 17, 26, 59, Vol. VI, pp. 366, 371, Vol. V, pp. 182, 189; Mustadrak Hakim, Vol. III, p. 109, Tabaqat of Ibn Sa'd, Vol. IV, p. 8; Usudul Ghabah, Vol. II, p. 12, Vol. III, p. 147 and Ibn Abil Hadid.



their help he straightened his back and gained his composure. None from among his ummah (followers) can be compared to them. Those who received their favours cannot be equal to them. They are the basis of religion and the pivot of faith. To them return those who go astray and those who lag behind, join them for guidance and salvation. They are efficiently capable and fit for the status of leadership; they have been and are even now rightful heirs of the Holy Prophet who had entrusted them Imamate. " (Nahjul Balagha - Sermon 2)

"Through us you were guided in the darkness and were able to set your foot on the highway. With our help you came into the light

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of the dawn from the darkness of the late night. Deaf be the ear that does not listen to the cry (advice) of the guide. " (Nahjul Balagha - Sermon 4) (This sermon was delivered by Imam Ali after Talhah and Zubayr were killed).

"You will not be observing the covenant of the Qur'an unless you know who violated it and you will not be adhering to it unless you know who threw it away. Therefore seek this information of those who have it, for they are the life of knowledge and the death of ignorance. It is they whose judgement will tell you of their knowledge, whose silence will tell you of their speech and whose outward appearance will tell you of their inward feelings. They do not do anything that is against religion nor is their opinion divided about it. Therefore religion is their true witness and a silent speaker. " (Nahjul Balagha -Sermon 147)

(The words "that they do not do anything against religion", indicate the infallibility of the Imams and the words, "their opinion is not divided" show that the Imams possess profound knowledge. )

"They are life of knowledge and death of ignorance. Their gentleness speaks of their knowledge and their silence of the wisdom of their speech. They neither oppose the truth (as they are infallible) nor have they divided opinion about it, (as their knowledge is sound and correct). They are pillars of Islam and the place where it is safe. Through them the truth was restored to its


position, the falsehood was displaced and its tongue was cut off. They understand religion and take care of it. They do not merely hear it and pass it on. The transmitters of knowledge are many, but its adherents are very few. " (See Nahjul Balagha - Sermon 239).

"A time will come after me when nothing will be more hidden than truth and more manifest than falsehood. At that time the Qur’an and the people of the Qur’an will be the rejected outcasts. The Qur'an and its guardians (Ahlul Bayt) which are like two companions going together in the same path, will not be accommodated by anyone. At that time they will be among the people, but no one will seek guidance from them, and they will be with the people, but not really with them. " (Nahjul Balagha - Sermon 147)











  • 16/07/17

Man and Universe

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